Over the last two decades, Muslim communities have been confronted with prejudice and hostility as an effect of the War on Terror and the narrative that Islam is synonymous with terrorism and...Show moreOver the last two decades, Muslim communities have been confronted with prejudice and hostility as an effect of the War on Terror and the narrative that Islam is synonymous with terrorism and violence. Instead of viewing radicalisation as a process involving deep-rooted societal issues such as discrimination and social exclusion, a disproportionate focus is put on the ideological push factor that is Islam to understand and combat radicalisation. This article examines the degree to which Islamophobia has been present in Dutch policies on Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism (P/CVE) through discourse analysis. Previous research examined the effects of elements of Islamophobia being present in governmental discourse on the Muslim communities, but there showed to be a gap in the research on how this anti-Muslim sentiment is reflected and can be recognized in governmental texts. Ten Terrorist Threat Assessment Reports that were published in the early stages of the War on Terror were compared with the ten most recent reports based on the framework of elements of a closed and open view of Islam as established by the Runnymede Trust in 1997. The analysis reveals that elements of Islamophobia have been present ever since the War on Terror in the form of constructing Muslims as the enemy and overgeneralising various factions within Islam, but have seen an increase in recent years, leading current reports to reinforce Islamophobic sentiment. This research allows for elements of Islamophobia in government texts to be recognized and confronted.Show less
This research explores the relationship between concern over “Islamic extremism” in counterterrorism and the rise of Islamophobia and anti-Muslim sentiment, and to what extent have these dynamics...Show moreThis research explores the relationship between concern over “Islamic extremism” in counterterrorism and the rise of Islamophobia and anti-Muslim sentiment, and to what extent have these dynamics contributed to the growth of the far-right in the case of Denmark. A better understanding of this relationship is relevant because the latter may continue flourishing despite efforts to curb extremist ideologies. Therefore, the purpose is to shed light on potential interplay, unintended consequences and outcomes that may arise from counter-extremism policies. Consequently, these policies can be adjusted more effectively, making a country more secure. Using discourse analysis on various documents and comparing them before and after 2015, the research maps out the situation of the three topics at hand in Denmark. This point in time was chosen because of the Copenhagen Shootings that changed the social and political environment of the country. The research finds that despite awareness of growing Islamophobia and anti-Muslim sentiment, there is a permanent focus on Islamic extremism in CVE, which increases the susceptibility of Islamic individuals to extremist ideologies. In turn, this increases Islamophobia, which far-right extremists can use to spread their ideology and expand more easily. The complex interaction is highlighted, and how the phenomena reinforce and affect each other is discussed.Show less
This thesis compares two novels in their portrayal of Muslimas. The two novels that are discussed are Salman Rushdie's The Satanic Verses and Nadeem Aslam's Maps for Lost Lovers. The thesis argues...Show moreThis thesis compares two novels in their portrayal of Muslimas. The two novels that are discussed are Salman Rushdie's The Satanic Verses and Nadeem Aslam's Maps for Lost Lovers. The thesis argues that Rushdie applies inaccurate representations of Islam and Muslimas in his novel. Moreover, his novel misuses Ayesha's historical figure and feminizes several different aspects of the religion. It concludes that Rushdie often writes about women, but never from the perspective of these women. Aslam's novel, on the other hand, allocates a lot more time to the female characters and their perspectives. However, it must also be noted that Aslam's portrayal of Islam - and along with that, Muslimas - is heavily Pakistani-oriented, in its most conservative form. Lastly, evident similarities and differences between the two novels were discussed. Here, the thesis concludes that both novels brought about a similar societal effect - namely heightening feelings of Islamophobia -, despite their different approaches to the subject.Show less
By examining how the works of Snouck Hurgronje and the historiography of the Indonesian independence war have amounted to a contemporary discourse in which Islamophobia arises, It can be concluded...Show moreBy examining how the works of Snouck Hurgronje and the historiography of the Indonesian independence war have amounted to a contemporary discourse in which Islamophobia arises, It can be concluded that both are stooled on false pre-conceptions and a non-existent dichotomy between ‘us’ and ‘them’. This makes the Dutch colonial history in Indonesia as an important factor shaping Islamophobia today.Show less
ISIS children: doomed childhood? An analysis of Dutch foreign policy on non-active repatriation of Dutch children of suspected ISIS fighters. It elaborates on the existence of islamophobia and rise...Show moreISIS children: doomed childhood? An analysis of Dutch foreign policy on non-active repatriation of Dutch children of suspected ISIS fighters. It elaborates on the existence of islamophobia and rise of populism in Europe, and compares the Dutch policy with that of other European countries that did not repatriate, and countries that did repatriate children as their national citizens and why. This thesis researches what are countries' obstacles for active repatriation of these children, and what are the international binding agreements claiming about the situation. All to answer the main question: Why does Dutch foreign policy on Dutch children of suspected ISIS fighters not entail active repatriation?Show less
Within only one year after the terrorist attacks in New York City in 2001, an estimated 100.000 Muslims, predominantly non-white Arabs, had been personally affected by the American government’s ...Show moreWithin only one year after the terrorist attacks in New York City in 2001, an estimated 100.000 Muslims, predominantly non-white Arabs, had been personally affected by the American government’s “domestic legislative, administrative, and judicial measures”. This institutionalization of Islamophobia against Muslim Americans by government policies has been accentuated by media coverage depicting Muslims as one monolithic and essentialist religious group which has resonated in public perceptions. On top of this, miseducation of the public about Middle Eastern and Islamic history and the reality of Islamic practices in America have magnified the perception of mosques and Islamic centers as enclosed breeding grounds for Islamic radicalism. However, increasingly marginalized in American society, Muslims have turned to their local mosques and Islamic centers for protection, evolving their role as simple worship places into educational, gathering, and social spaces, giving these centers a central role in their lives. Hence, this thesis argues that as 9/11 triggered a spike of Islamophobia accompanied by racially motivated aggression, Islamic centers and organizations took it upon themselves to mobilize their communities against the sources of prejudice faced by Muslim Americans, refocusing their efforts on education, interfaith encounters, and community building while calling for increased integration efforts. Using interviews with the leadership of several Islamic centers, this thesis highlights the change in the approach on how to tackle Islamophobia that came with 9/11, as well as the perceived effectiveness of these initiatives.Show less
In light of recent debates on post-truth politics within a discourse of populism, and a socio-political American zeitgeist of uncertainty and ambiguity, questions arise considering the recent...Show moreIn light of recent debates on post-truth politics within a discourse of populism, and a socio-political American zeitgeist of uncertainty and ambiguity, questions arise considering the recent dramatic interpretations of this socio-political atmosphere. In an attempt to highlight the complex nexus between visual culture and politics, this thesis examines this intersection between culture and politics using the American political climate as a case study of a larger global political trend of democracy fatigue, post-truth politics, and populist discourses. This thesis sheds light on the hopeful and critical postmodern dramatic storytelling that illustrates the importance of critical drama within a contemporary post-truth American socio-political sphere. As there has been a longstanding academic focus on the authoritative accounts in cinema and television, particularly in a post 9/11 context, this study embraces a discourse analysis that is concerned with how such accounts are ‘contested’. Drawing on a postmodern theoretical framework and HBO’s The Night Of, this thesis offers a fresh analysis of post-truth politics and the ability of visual culture to present and highlight a disillusionment with political currents.Show less
PVV leader Geert Wilders is seen as one of the most remarkable and provocative Dutch politicians of the past 20 years. This is partly a consequence of the Islamophobic discourse that he uses in...Show morePVV leader Geert Wilders is seen as one of the most remarkable and provocative Dutch politicians of the past 20 years. This is partly a consequence of the Islamophobic discourse that he uses in order to argue that Islam, Muslims, and immigration pose a threat to the liberal Dutch and Western society. People have often argued that this Islamophobic discourse is discriminative and racist and is for that reason in conflict with the ideology of liberalism. However, Wilders and his supporters argue that the contrary is true and that he is actually protecting the Western liberal society from the dangerous illiberal Islam. Moreover, it has often been argued that liberalism is in fact a paradoxical ideology that historically has distinguished people on the basis of race, class, and gender. For that reason, Wilders seems to position himself well within the ideology of liberalism. By the means of a discourse analysis, this study attempts to demonstrate that Wilders’ Islamophobic discourse is in fact very much in line with the liberal ideology despite its racist and discriminative content.Show less
This paper aims to compare the effects of economic slumps on the electoral gains of European radical far-right populist parties by comparing the impact of the Great Depression on the rise of the...Show moreThis paper aims to compare the effects of economic slumps on the electoral gains of European radical far-right populist parties by comparing the impact of the Great Depression on the rise of the Nazis in Germany and the impact of the Great Recession on the contemporary electoral gains of far-right parties, such as the Front Nacional in France. Parallels are drawn between the xenophobic ideologies of both types of party, the views these parties had regarding the existing European political structures and dynamics, and their shared use of populism as a pragmatic political tool. All in all, it is found that, even though both phenomena share inherent similarities, due to the fact that the Great Recession was not as “bad” as the Great Depression and that contemporary Europeans remain skeptical of far-right parties, the great difference remains the discrepancy in scale between the two series of events, which is reflected in exactly how much ground both types of far-right parties gained during their respective time periods.Show less
The present thesis aims at a better understanding of Islamophobia in Western Europe. For this purpose, it investigates how the issue is perceived from the Arabic and from the Western European...Show moreThe present thesis aims at a better understanding of Islamophobia in Western Europe. For this purpose, it investigates how the issue is perceived from the Arabic and from the Western European perspective, what both of these views have in common and where the differences between them. In the opening section, the results of a literature research are presented, which focuses on academic Arabic sources, articles on the Aljazeera website, and academic publications by West European authors. In this context, various aspects of the phenomenon such as the definition of the term, roots and causes, the role of media and of the political right, and its relation to the anti-Semitism are considered. As example of manifestation of Islamophobia the French head scarf ban is discussed. Comparing the Arabic and the Western European view on Islamophobia, one cannot detect specific differences concerning the definition of the term, albeit the latter appears contested and vague. In contrast, the identified reasons for Islamophobia and the role attributed to media and the political right are controversial and depend very much on the particular perspective involved. While the majority of the Western sources identifies the reason of Islamophobia as the perceived incompatibility of Islam with Western and European values, Arab authors mostly hold Western misunderstanding and lack of knowledge responsible for the phenomenon. They also attribute an essential role to media and the political right in its dissemination. While at least the majority of the Arab sources attribute a positive character to the headscarf, in Western Europe it is frequently understood as symbol of a radical Islam and gender discrimination, therefore justifying its ban. The comparison with anti-Semitism appears to be restricted to the Western European perspective, which is possibly due to the role this phenomenon has played in Europe's history.Show less
