This research seeks to analyze the current hydropolitical relationship between Israel and Jordan in the light of the Declaration of Intent, agreed upon in November 2021. The agreement entails a...Show moreThis research seeks to analyze the current hydropolitical relationship between Israel and Jordan in the light of the Declaration of Intent, agreed upon in November 2021. The agreement entails a collaboration between the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, the State of Israel and the United Arab Emirates on water and energy issues. While the literature on hydropolitics has mainly focused on the connection between water scarcity on the one hand, and conflict or cooperation, on the other, this study moves beyond this dichotomy by applying a mixed method of environmental peacebuilding and hydro-hegemony to the case-study. Built on theoretical analysis and including historical aspects, the international, regional and domestic context as well as the concept of asymmetrical power and discursive power, the research looks beyond elite interests and traditional theories of international relations. While the analysis identifies the envisaged cooperation from the water-for-energy deal as a form of technical environmental cooperation, the findings also stress the ambiguity in Jordan’s behavior and the underlying dynamics of power asymmetry, reinforced by the role of external actors and the use of dominant discourses.Show less
For 20 years, studies have been underlining a decrease in the attachment of young diaspora Jews with the State of Israel. While a broad majority of young Jews supports the existence of a Jewish...Show moreFor 20 years, studies have been underlining a decrease in the attachment of young diaspora Jews with the State of Israel. While a broad majority of young Jews supports the existence of a Jewish state in Palestine, an increasing minority develops an opposition to Israeli policies, especially concerning the occupation of Palestinian Territories. As Jewish organisations advocating for Palestinian rights flourish in the Western world, where the Jewish diaspora is in majority located, the process according to which young Jews are increasingly distancing themselves from an Israeli- centred Jewish identity seems important to inquire. Indeed, growing diaspora support for a just political solution to the Middle East conflict might have empiric repercussions on the Israeli government. Therefore, this thesis seeks to inquire the identification process of young progressive Jews in France and Britain relating to the Zionist project, and aims at answering the following question: What drives critical French and British Jewish youth’s identification choices in the construction of a non-Israel centric identity? This paper argues that young Jews self-identify in a nexus between the Jewish community, overwhelmingly Zionist, and external norms and values of human rights and social justice, which creates conflicting dynamics. When left-wing values out-weight the community’s narrative, it creates or strengthens a feeling of alienation among progressive Jewish youth, that is slowly turning into criticism and distancing from the State of Israel. This youth, therefore, seeks to navigate new spaces of identification and revive a Jewish identity able to reconcile this internal struggle. To demonstrate so, this thesis will firstly conceptualise identity and discuss historical debates on Jewish identity. It will then analyse the distancing hypothesis, and the debates it created among scholars about its accuracy and potential factors. In the last two chapters, it will study the self- identification process of four young British and French Jews advocating for Palestinian rights. Through life-long interviews dealing with their attitudes towards a Zionist Jewish identity, this paper underlines the dynamics characterising their progressive alienation from the State of Israel: a primary discomfort, followed by a de-Zionification process, creating important fractures with friends, families, and their Jewishness, and finally the identification with a revived diasporic identity, able to reconcile Jewishness and anti-Zionism.Show less
Catalogues have been a staple library feature for the last several centuries, a useful finding tool for readers and organizational aid for librarians; they are also a representation of a particular...Show moreCatalogues have been a staple library feature for the last several centuries, a useful finding tool for readers and organizational aid for librarians; they are also a representation of a particular place and time. The form and content of a catalogue can provide insights into the social norms and scholarly interests of the era in which it was created. Employing a longitudinal and comparative approach, this thesis examines the published catalogues of Leiden University Library’s Hebrew manuscripts collection throughout its four centuries of existence. I compare these catalogues, mark the differences in the ways they describe Hebrew manuscripts, and illuminate the social changes or emerging scholarly fields that likely influenced their creators. Throughout this thesis, I argue that when it comes to Hebrew manuscripts, any examination of historical cataloguing trends or choices cannot be complete without also considering that era’s societal attitudes toward Jews, the original creators of the language and texts contained in said manuscripts. I conclude that there exists a direct correlation between the quality of the catalogues’ manuscript descriptions and the cataloguer’s knowledge of the Hebrew language and of Jewish literature and culture; I extrapolate the implications of this conclusion for the future of manuscript cataloguing in the digital age.Show less
Master thesis | Crisis and Security Management (MSc)
open access
Freshwater is an essential yet scarce good, that is predicted to only become scarcer because of climate change and growing populations. In addition, freshwater in rivers is often shared between...Show moreFreshwater is an essential yet scarce good, that is predicted to only become scarcer because of climate change and growing populations. In addition, freshwater in rivers is often shared between multiple countries. Despite multiple predictions by scholars and experts, states often do not go to war over freshwater. Instead, most disputes end in the signing of a treaty. However, these treaties are not always fair and do not, actually, always end conflict. In the view of this research, treaties are merely a way in which states fight, without using violence, and should thus be seen as a part of ongoing conflict, rather than the end of it. In addition, despite theoretical predictions, international organisations do not play a large role in the creation of River Basin Organisations and neither do hydrohegemons.Show less
Founded in 2005, BDS (Boycott Divestment and Sanctions) is a movement that opposes the policies of successive Israeli governments towards the Palestinians and organises protests against Israel in...Show moreFounded in 2005, BDS (Boycott Divestment and Sanctions) is a movement that opposes the policies of successive Israeli governments towards the Palestinians and organises protests against Israel in the cultural, economic, academic and political arenas. Since 2009, BDS has seen success in mainly western European states by concentrating its efforts and increasing its activity. Current research on BDS focuses on whether BDS is antisemitic and other studies have focused on the academic and cultural boycott of Israel. The extent of influence of BDS on European politicians and political parties has, however, been largely ignored. Therefore, this research aims to examine the political institutionalisation of BDS between 2009–2020 in the politics of three European states: the United Kingdom (UK), France and the Netherlands. A cross-case analysis is used to compare and analyse the institutionalisation of BDS in the three case states. This thesis found that the BDS movement is not deeply institutionalised in the politics of France, the Netherlands and the UK; rather, this research has found that both the successive governments and national parliaments of each country have rejected BDS. There is a difference however between France and the UK on the one hand, and the Netherlands on the other. France and the UK have advanced anti-BDS legislation while the Dutch government, in contrast to France and the UK, has chosen to allow BDS to continue its operations.Show less
Constructivism has introduced a new perspective on International Relations (IR) which emphasizes ideational factors for the formation of state interests. Similarly, the so called ‘Emotional Turn’...Show moreConstructivism has introduced a new perspective on International Relations (IR) which emphasizes ideational factors for the formation of state interests. Similarly, the so called ‘Emotional Turn’ in IR advocates for an academic assessment of emotions in international politics and how the experience of feelings like humiliation, pride, anger shapes state behavior. This research aims to contribute to the Emotional Turn by proposing an academic assessment of the expression of victimhood as a dimension of a state’s identity using the case study of Israel. As IR theory is becoming more aware of ideational and emotional drivers of state action, conceptualizing victimhood in International Relations is an important endeavor. Victimhood is a social psychological concept describing a status or identity that the victim ascribes to themselves after suffering trauma. What are the emotional categories underlying a self-ascribed victimhood in Israel’s identity discourse towards international community? The methodological assessment employs Emotions Discourse Analysis to identify the categories and connotations of victimhood uttered in the speeches of Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu in his Annual Addresses to the UN General Assembly from 2015 to 2017. Understanding the emotional component of identity markers such as victimhood might offer policy makers new ways of reconciling ongoing conflicts and add to the ongoing debate on the impact of emotions in International Relations and discourse analysis.Show less
In my thesis, I argue that the end of the Cold War affected Israel’s role in the U.S. Middle East strategy. During the Cold War, this role was predominantly military. However, the end of the Cold...Show moreIn my thesis, I argue that the end of the Cold War affected Israel’s role in the U.S. Middle East strategy. During the Cold War, this role was predominantly military. However, the end of the Cold War changed this and as a result, this role was predominantly political and economic after the Cold War. I base my research on a combination of two theories: constructivism, an approach of International Relations (IR), and Historical Sociology (HS).Show less
An analysis of the emotive portrayal of Dutch-Israeli relations by Dutch scholarship, looking at three case studies between the years 1979-1982 to see if there is sufficient empirical evidence for...Show moreAn analysis of the emotive portrayal of Dutch-Israeli relations by Dutch scholarship, looking at three case studies between the years 1979-1982 to see if there is sufficient empirical evidence for this emotive portrayal in academic studies.Show less
This thesis asks how the rise of religious Zionism after the Yom Kippur War (1973) can be explained. This rise is puzzling, because whereas religious Zionism became more popular after the Six Day...Show moreThis thesis asks how the rise of religious Zionism after the Yom Kippur War (1973) can be explained. This rise is puzzling, because whereas religious Zionism became more popular after the Six Day War (1967), this stemmed from the euphoria associated with the victory and the annexation of Jerusalem. The Yom Kippur War, in contrast, led to uncertainty, protests and delegitimation of the government. Why then, was religious Zionism not reduced in popularity but strengthened instead? Apart from researching this question, this thesis focuses on the relation between the religionization of Israeli society and the rise of religious Zionism. In the second chapter, the details of religionization in Israel are researched through statistics, secondary literature and primary sources. What aspects of society had been religionized, and in what ways? Chapter three analyzes the previous literature on the subject in light of the evidence found in the previous chapter, but also scrutinizes whether there actually was a causal relationship between religionization and religious Zionism. Although this research found no conclusive evidence on the causal relationship between religionization and the popularity of religious Zionism, it does confirm other reasons behind its rise. Firstly, religious Zionists framed themselves as the new generation of pioneers, in contrast to the Labor government which took the blame for the Yom Kippur War. Moreover, the religious Zionists downplayed the influence on earthly events on the redemption of the Jewish people, which made the movement able to survive the setback that the Yom Kippur War arguably formed. Finally, secular ethno-nationalists were also attracted to religious Zionism as they shared a common goal: keeping the occupied (or ‘liberated’) territories.Show less
This thesis asks why the ongoing conflict between Palestinians and Israelis, has become a prominent issue within the British Labour Party. Further, it seeks to examine whether or not positions on...Show moreThis thesis asks why the ongoing conflict between Palestinians and Israelis, has become a prominent issue within the British Labour Party. Further, it seeks to examine whether or not positions on the conflict and expressions of solidarity with the Palestinians by members of the Party follow a general trend, and which external and internal factors have brought about the relative prominence of the conflict within the Party. It uses textual and discourse analysis to examine these questions and focuses on the formation of discourses around Palestine in the elite of the Labour party in the post-war period, with a particular focus on the period following the 1973 October war.Show less
Barack Obama secured two remarkable deals during his presidency: the nuclear deal with Iran and the military deal with Israel. Which beliefs inspired Obama to establish these deals? In this thesis...Show moreBarack Obama secured two remarkable deals during his presidency: the nuclear deal with Iran and the military deal with Israel. Which beliefs inspired Obama to establish these deals? In this thesis Obama’s foreign policy towards nuclear Iran and military Israel is explored to determine whether any of the three ideologies – liberty promotion, orientalism and containment – have potentially inspired Obama’s decision to establish the deals. In both cases Obama’s actions indicate strong influence of the ideology of liberty promotion. The ideology of orientalism seems absent in both cases, and the containment ideology can be found in the Iran case only. The findings indicate that Obama’s approach has been inspired by particular ideologies when he dealt with nuclear Iran and military Israel.Show less
In a globalizing world, where experiencing new cultures is on a lot of bucket lists, the study of cultural interaction has become very popular. In our modern day and age, we like to project this...Show moreIn a globalizing world, where experiencing new cultures is on a lot of bucket lists, the study of cultural interaction has become very popular. In our modern day and age, we like to project this etic phenomenon of our modern day globalization onto the ancient world. And not without avail, research has found that cultural interaction did indeed take place in the ancient world, although we need to keep in mind that the emic perspective might have been a bit different from our own. A lot of intercultural interaction took place in the Eastern Mediterranean during the Bronze Age. During this period ships filled with luxurious gifts and exotic merchandise were plying the seas. However, this transfer of material culture did not only occur through trade or gift exchange, but also through warfare and travelling craftsmen. The transfer of non-material culture also took place, for example through the transfer of techniques and ideas. This could also take the form of motif transference. This thesis examines the phenomenon of motif transference between the Aegean, the Near East and Egypt during the Bronze Age. Besides the acculturation between two cultures, it is also possible for cultural interaction to take place between three or more cultures. This is reflected in the art of the Bronze Age, in which some motifs were shared by the artistic traditions of the Aegean, the Near East and Egypt. The transfer in style as well as technology and iconography created a new level of hybridity that lasted until the end of the Late Bronze Age and which is often called the international style. But the objects which are considered to belong to the international style, were not the only ones displaying a common style. Throughout the Eastern Mediterranean frescoes were found with motifs from the Aegean artistic tradition, which were produced during the Middle and Late Bronze Age. They are found in geographically important cities, which were located along important trade routes. These paintings were found at Alalakh, Miletus and Hattusa in Turkey, Qatna in Syria, Tel Kabri in Israel, Tell el-Dab’a, Malkata and Amarna in Egypt and display hybrid influences in iconography as well as technology. The goal of this thesis is to determine if the much-debated international style at present has a too narrow definition, which might need to be expanded to include these frescoes. This study tries to determine whether or not the palatial art found in the Eastern Mediterranean can be seen as a part of the international style.Show less
The thesis has sought to shed light into the relationship between the Jewish Diaspora and Israel through the lenses of the Brazilian Jewish community. Due to the fact that it holds the largest...Show moreThe thesis has sought to shed light into the relationship between the Jewish Diaspora and Israel through the lenses of the Brazilian Jewish community. Due to the fact that it holds the largest Jewish population of Brazil and hosts numerous prominent Jewish organisations, the state of São Paulo was chosen as the case study of the research. Based on the analysis of publications and websites of those institutions and, mainly, of interviews with the most important leaders of the Jewish organisations in São Paulo, the author has tried to bring to the fore their chief activities concerning Israel. Furthermore, the conduction of semi-structured interviews enabled the identification of attitudes and perceptions of the main Jewish Brazilian leaders towards Israel, as well as their role as members of a significant Jewish Diaspora. Central political issues that affect Israel, such as the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, were also analysed by the leaders of the most prominent Jewish institutions. The relevance of the research lies in the fact that it touches upon issues of long-distance nationalism, collective identity and Diaspora politics from a standpoint that is not sufficiently explored by the contemporary academia.Show less
Suez is a seaport city which is one of the two gates of the Suez Canal. Most media talked about Tahrir Square in Cairo as the epicenter of the Arab Spring in Egypt. However the truth is that Suez...Show moreSuez is a seaport city which is one of the two gates of the Suez Canal. Most media talked about Tahrir Square in Cairo as the epicenter of the Arab Spring in Egypt. However the truth is that Suez was genuinely the center of the unprecendented uprising, as it was the first city to rise up against Hosni Mubarak. Likewise, Suez was also sadly known for being the city where the first protester was killed in Egypt during the January 2011 uprisings. Therein, Suez was renowned across Egypt for carrying ‘The Flame of Revolution‘. As such, some activists referred to Suez as the ‘Egyptian Sidi Bouzid’.Show less
In order to explore the dynamics of unequal citizenship between the Jewish citizens and the Arab citizens of the state of Israel this thesis engages with the societal security dilemma, a variant of...Show moreIn order to explore the dynamics of unequal citizenship between the Jewish citizens and the Arab citizens of the state of Israel this thesis engages with the societal security dilemma, a variant of the traditional security dilemma that operates between different societies on an intrastate level and focuses on collective identity concerns. The societal security dilemma as such offers an alternative approach to the traditional perspectives provided on ethnic conflict by security studies. Through the method of content analysis the perceived threats to the collective identity of both the Jewish Israeli society and the Palestinian Arab society present in the state of Israel are qualitatively analyzed. From the side of the Jewish Israeli majority political-legal measures aimed at Israel’s Arab minority are investigated as part of the action-reaction process. From the side of the Palestinian Arab minority the Vision Documents, a set of three separate and seminal documents which express the minority’s view of the future of the Israeli state are investigated as part of the action-reaction process. The two societies find themselves locked into a regular societal security dilemma in which the Jewish Israeli majority demonstrates expansionist security-seeking behavior and the Palestinian Arab minority exhibits non-expansionist security-seeking behavior.Show less
