Besides strong physical presence in Israeli society, the Israel Defense Forces' (IDF) symbolic presence in society is even more pervasive through constant transmission of its prominent values,...Show moreBesides strong physical presence in Israeli society, the Israel Defense Forces' (IDF) symbolic presence in society is even more pervasive through constant transmission of its prominent values, embodied by the concept of strategic culture. This paper analyses the process of cultural transmission, performed by the IDF, within the framework of militarized socialization. Arguably, the process of militarized socialization underwent a shift from the use of military education as the main vehicle for socialization, to the use of religion as a vehicle for socialization and as an identity marker of the Israeli military as a whole. The gradual return of religion to the ranks may have important implications for the development of Israeli society, as well as for the course of the prolonged Israeli-Palestinian conflict in terms of decreased chances of rapprochement between the two parties.Show less
Israel's existence in a near constant state of conflict has had many side effects for the lives of people living there. One such cost felt by the majority is that of national service to which the...Show moreIsrael's existence in a near constant state of conflict has had many side effects for the lives of people living there. One such cost felt by the majority is that of national service to which the majority of Israel are subject to. National service sees Israel's Jewish youth and other minorities living there forced to take part in military activity. This comes with the notable exception of the Haredim otherwise known as the Ultra-Orthodox. The draft exemption enjoyed by the Haredim has a valid historical context however such legitimacy is no longer applicable to contemporary Israel. Addressing why the Haredim living in israel are not subject to the draft will explore the institutions that have facilitated and protected the draft exemption. And identify those areas that bring benefits to the modern state and this qualify the continuation of the draft exemption to arrive aShow less
In order to explore the dynamics of unequal citizenship between the Jewish citizens and the Arab citizens of the state of Israel this thesis engages with the societal security dilemma, a variant of...Show moreIn order to explore the dynamics of unequal citizenship between the Jewish citizens and the Arab citizens of the state of Israel this thesis engages with the societal security dilemma, a variant of the traditional security dilemma that operates between different societies on an intrastate level and focuses on collective identity concerns. The societal security dilemma as such offers an alternative approach to the traditional perspectives provided on ethnic conflict by security studies. Through the method of content analysis the perceived threats to the collective identity of both the Jewish Israeli society and the Palestinian Arab society present in the state of Israel are qualitatively analyzed. From the side of the Jewish Israeli majority political-legal measures aimed at Israel’s Arab minority are investigated as part of the action-reaction process. From the side of the Palestinian Arab minority the Vision Documents, a set of three separate and seminal documents which express the minority’s view of the future of the Israeli state are investigated as part of the action-reaction process. The two societies find themselves locked into a regular societal security dilemma in which the Jewish Israeli majority demonstrates expansionist security-seeking behavior and the Palestinian Arab minority exhibits non-expansionist security-seeking behavior.Show less
In this thesis, the author observes the puzzle of escalation and de-escalation in irregular war, accounting for both the strong and weak actor, using a Strategic Theory (i.e. Clausewitzian logic)...Show moreIn this thesis, the author observes the puzzle of escalation and de-escalation in irregular war, accounting for both the strong and weak actor, using a Strategic Theory (i.e. Clausewitzian logic) narrative. He focuses on two arguments: (1) domestic politics cause friction for both actors, (2) international pressure (from state and non-state actors) causes friction for both actors. This international pressure also includes image. Using a variety of observation techniques and limited quantitative analysis, the author finds that (1) domestic political rivalry facilitates escalation for the strong and the weak actor and has no bearing on de-escalation; escalation erodes and diminishes domestic political rivalry. (2) International pressure and image facilitates de-escalation on both sides in order to maintain a positive image. (3) The weak actor must start de-escalating in response to the strong actor’s de-escalation; else it may very well damage its own capacity to achieve its political objectives. He then discusses the policy implications that this conclusion has, most notably (1) the way that policy-makers may change their behavior in order to improve their own image, or the image of the actor they represent. (2) They may or may not be more cautious when dealing with domestic rivalry, as they may seek to avoid escalating, and would rather tackle the actual cause of domestic rivalry. Opportunities for future research in the thesis. Most notable opportunities for future research include (1) the relationship between strong actor de-escalation and weak actor de-escalation and the way the former enables the latter. (2) The effect of the situation on the ground, rather than on the purely political level, on each actor’s decision to de-escalate.Show less
The main goal of this thesis is is to look for an answer to the question ”what motivates citizens to engage in politics using Facebook”. The thesis will discuss which benefits citizens are getting...Show moreThe main goal of this thesis is is to look for an answer to the question ”what motivates citizens to engage in politics using Facebook”. The thesis will discuss which benefits citizens are getting when they opt to political participation over social network sites, specifically Facebook. In order to answer this question so a survey was conducted, which examined the relationship between political participation on Facebook and three topics factors. The first was resources for political participation that citizens use or need to sacrifice if they want to engage with politics. The second was the sense of internal and external political efficacy, with which citizen estimate their ability to understand and discuss politics, along with the openesss of the political system for new idea. The third and last one was, self presentation of political impressions, how individuals presesnt their political identity to their peers. The survey found that Facebook does not overwhelmingly reduce costs of participation, and that citizens who engage in politics on Facebook would not necessarily assume that their activities would bring change in policy. However, citizens who do carry on political participation on Facebook may expect a high sense of internal political efficacy and would use Facebook not so much for changing government policy, but as a mobilizing tool, and as a stage for one’s display of an idealized political impression.Show less
Articles that investigate minority influence on foreign policy-making have mainly concentrated on minorities living in the United States. Research on national minorities outside the United States...Show moreArticles that investigate minority influence on foreign policy-making have mainly concentrated on minorities living in the United States. Research on national minorities outside the United States has been limited. This paper tries to compare two cases that are dissimilar to the United States, namely Turkey and Israel and this essay asks the question: to what extent do the Kurdish and Arabic minorities influence Turkish and Israeli foreign policy? There is a particular emphasis on foreign policy influence of Pro-Kurdish and Pro-Arabic political parties. The party websites of the Pro-Arabic, Democratic Front for Peace and Equality (Hadash) and Meretz are looked into. With regard to Turkey, the party website of the pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) is examined. The BDP has been established in 2008, which is considerably later compared to the pro-Arabic political parties in Israel. Unfortunately, it is impossible to investigate pro-Kurdish parties from before 2008, as these parties were banned by the Turkish Constitutional Court. It is argued in this paper that no proof can be found of pro-Arabic and pro-Kurdish political parties influencing foreign policy. Since Israel and Turkey are truly dissimilar to the United States, other cases need to be examined in order to find out whether minorities in other countries influence foreign policy. Moreover, international organizations, such as the Council of Europe and the European Union, can play a role in accommodating minorities. More research is necessary to find out whether international organizations, as the Council of Europe and the EU, play a role in protecting minority rights.Show less
In the past, the threat of nuclear arms and the states and actors that might gain access to such technology has resulted in the pre-emptive use of military force against states. Israel attacked...Show moreIn the past, the threat of nuclear arms and the states and actors that might gain access to such technology has resulted in the pre-emptive use of military force against states. Israel attacked Iraq (Operation Opera in 1981) and Syria (Operation Orchard in 2007) in order to prevent or forcefully disrupt their nuclear proliferation efforts. Currently, concern about Iran’s nuclear program has raised debate about the possibility of an Israeli pre-emptive attack. This thesis employs hypotheses from realist, constructivist and liberal theory to explain the use of force in counter-proliferation, using a strategy of within-case and across-case analysis of both prior attacks. I locate determining conditions that led Israel to use force in counter proliferation. The hypotheses explore conditions such as uncertainty about state identity, the perception of threat, the risk of shift in regional power balance, prior military hostility, hostile public statements made by state leaders, undeterrability and the domestic support of state leaders. Most of these conditions are present in the current case of Iran, when considering the possibility of a pre-emptive Israeli attack. If Iran’s military support to Hezbollah is interpreted as indirect military hostility, all the conditions for an Israeli pre-emptive attack would be present, when considering the conditions leading to the previous two Israeli attacks in counter proliferation. The analysis suggests there is a high chance that this will cause Israel to use pre-emptive force in order to destroy Iran’s nuclear facilities, as the “Begin Doctrine”, on which Israel’s security policy is based, will not accept such high security risks.Show less
The main goal of this article is to find out in what way discrete negative emotions are of influence regarding a person's level of tolerance. To investigate this matter, an experiment among Dutch...Show moreThe main goal of this article is to find out in what way discrete negative emotions are of influence regarding a person's level of tolerance. To investigate this matter, an experiment among Dutch citizens was conducted to discover the impact of fear, anger and hatred on tolerance attitudes. Besides that, a person's perception of threat may be an important factor in explaining already existing emotions like fear. Because previous literature has pointed out that a person's perception of threat and felt emotions towards a certain group are closely connected, the research in this article will combine findings of threat perception and emotional responses in explaining political tolerance attitudes. The research question for this study is therefore: In what way do discrete negative emotions and perceptions of threat regarding a certain out-group effect a person's level of tolerance towards that out-group.Show less
