This thesis examines how states try to evade accountability through denying accusations of human rights violations. It aims to fill the gap in the existing literature by analysing which stigma...Show moreThis thesis examines how states try to evade accountability through denying accusations of human rights violations. It aims to fill the gap in the existing literature by analysing which stigma rejection strategies are most applied by states, and how successful these strategies are for evading accountability. This research project consists of an in-depth discourse analysis of the case of Israel and their response to human rights violations in the occupied Palestinian territories. It does so according to a threefold analysis focussed on identifying (1) the accusations towards Israel, (2) Israel’s response to those accusations and (3) the outcome of that response. The analysis shows a consistent engagement of Israel with various forms of denial, which indicates that they do not have a clear preference on which stigma rejection strategies to adopt. The outcome of Israel’s response is unsuccessful in the sense that Israel does not manage to change the narrative of other states and persuade them of their innocence. The use of stigma rejection strategies can thus not be seen as a leading or direct cause for evading accountability.Show less
In 2015 former president Reuven Rivlin claimed that Israel needs a redefinition of Israeliness to preserve the Israeli society. According to him, a new national identity must be created, with which...Show moreIn 2015 former president Reuven Rivlin claimed that Israel needs a redefinition of Israeliness to preserve the Israeli society. According to him, a new national identity must be created, with which all citizens can identify. When looking at the Israeli educational system, it becomes apparent that such a redefinition is necessary. As multiple studies have shown, the Arab- Palestinian community in Israel is not only marginalized in terms of the quality of the educational system, but also with regards to the contents of the education, mainly -but not limited to- in the field of history education, which amongst others ignore Palestinian perspectives on the ongoing Arab-Israeli conflict and which deny Palestinian belonging to the country. As this thesis shows, bilingual schools in Israel offer a radical alternative historical narrative that includes Palestinian perspectives, that treats Jewish and Palestinian identities on an equal basis and that at the same time creates an overarching narrative (or if you wish Israeliness) which connects both communities. At the same time however, this thesis argues that the success of the alternative historical narrative at bilingual schools is limited due to the same inequalities the education tries to counter, namely the lack of classes on Palestinian/Middle Eastern history, the continuing dominance of Jewish-Israeli frameworks for teaching history and the dominance of the Hebrew language. Nonetheless, although progress can still be made, the alternative approach to education of bilingual schools provide an inspirational basis for redefining Jewish-Palestinian relationships in the future.Show less
This thesis focuses on the normalization between Bahrain, The United Arab Emirates and Israel, which was signed as the Abraham Accords in 2020. It tries to portray motivations from both Gulf States...Show moreThis thesis focuses on the normalization between Bahrain, The United Arab Emirates and Israel, which was signed as the Abraham Accords in 2020. It tries to portray motivations from both Gulf States to normalize their relationships with Israel while building on IR literature. It explores the ties between the states from an economic and security perspective.Show less
The role of economics in normalization agreements has gained increasing attention in academia throughout recent years. Yet it remains debated to what extent economic incentives drive bilateral...Show moreThe role of economics in normalization agreements has gained increasing attention in academia throughout recent years. Yet it remains debated to what extent economic incentives drive bilateral normalization agreements. This research problem will be investigated in the context of the Abraham Accords, a recently signed normalization agreement between Israel and the United Arab Emirates. Three empirical chapters analyze economic incentives that were present in 2020 in the spheres of trade & economic relations, finance & investment, and tourism & people mobility. Central research findings include firstly, the UAE’s economic diversification leads to a demand of modern technologies which fits into Israel’s characteristic as a tech-driven export economy. Secondly, the UAE’s reinvestment of petrodollars through foreign direct investments connects well to Israel’s start-up sector that relies on investments. Thirdly, (religious) tourism is not only of economic importance for both States, but people mobility is necessary to facilitate economic cooperation in the spheres of trade & economic relations and finance & investment. Based on these findings the main argument is that political-economic incentives in the spheres of trade & economic relations, finance & investment, and tourism & people mobility were the main driver for Israel and the UAE to sign the Abraham Accords. International Relations theory in the form of Realism, Liberalism, Constructivism, and Marxism is applied as the study’s theoretical framework to better understand the State behavior and decisions taken by Israel and the UAE. The study concludes that these research findings are significant to understand incentives for potential future normalization agreements, particularly between Israel and other Arab States.Show less
Understandings of Israeli geopolitical identity have traditionally revolved around core themes which have only rarely been deeply questioned. This has left other identitarian dimensions, some which...Show moreUnderstandings of Israeli geopolitical identity have traditionally revolved around core themes which have only rarely been deeply questioned. This has left other identitarian dimensions, some which have recently emerged, undeservedly unexplored. Literature on the topic largely focuses on Israel’s historic Jewish and Western identity dimensions in within the frames pertaining to Israeli domestic affairs, such as the Mizrahi-Ashkenazi divide, or the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This thesis questions these traditional understandings and attempts to reveal other alternatives, by examining the multidimensionality of Israel’s geopolitical identity in the frame of the emerging US-China polarity. The issue of Israel’s geopolitical identity essentially concerns the question of the way Israel perceives itself and its geopolitical positioning in the global system. As constructed geopolitical ‘realities’, these conceptions are oversimplifications of a much more complex reality. By analyzing Israeli elite discourse in the US-China frame, the following dissertation shows how alternative identitarian dimensions have emerged, whilst some traditional dimensions have endured through elite discourse in Israel. The research aims to broaden the discussion surrounding Israel’s geopolitical identity in the 21st century.Show less
This thesis analyzes the motives behind the hesitation of the American military interference in Syria to overthrow President Bashar al Assad. It provides a close focus on the role of global and...Show moreThis thesis analyzes the motives behind the hesitation of the American military interference in Syria to overthrow President Bashar al Assad. It provides a close focus on the role of global and regional actors in Syria. The research question of this paper is: What explains the hesitancy of the US involvement in the Syrian War? The research is focused on the red-line speech of President Obama to intervene in Syria and the following chemical weapon attack in Damascus. This study provides significant insight into the political relations between the US and Syria as well as the Syrian civil war. Many academic pieces of literature have been examined to combine valuable information about the power dynamics in the Middle East and their impact on the Syrian civil war. As a result, it is concluded that there are multiple causes behind the hesitancy of the US military intervention in Syria. These are listed as, the vetoes of Russia and China in the UN Security Council, the concern of non-ending regional war, the economic, political and humanitarian costs of the war, the emergence of the radical groups and the absence of strong secular opposition, the concern of state of chaos after the intervention, minor factors like difficult geography, population and the advanced air defense of SyriaShow less
The aim of this study is to find out how the occupation in the West Bank is maintained by Israel, the Palestinian Authority, its capitalist class and the aid agencies with its donors. Hereby, the...Show moreThe aim of this study is to find out how the occupation in the West Bank is maintained by Israel, the Palestinian Authority, its capitalist class and the aid agencies with its donors. Hereby, the focus set upon the question what the neoliberal economic policies in the West Bank are and how they play a role in the occupation of it. To answer this question, the thesis will explore the policies of both Israel and the Palestinian Authority next to the policies that are promoted in the West Bank by aid agencies and international donors. Israel’s neoliberal economic policies will be explained through its economic interests in the West Bank, such as land, labour, water and market. Furthermore, the study will look into the neoliberal economic policies of the Palestinian Authority and how the Palestinian capitalist class has been created through these policies. Lastly, the study will highlight the role of international donors and aid agencies in the West Bank and the means in which they apply their influence to promote neoliberal economic policies that sustain the occupation of the West Bank. The study will show that the neoliberal economic policies in the West Bank contribute to its occupation and its dependency on the Israeli economy and international aid. However, not only Israel profits from the occupation, but also the Palestinian Authority and the Palestinian elite through their cooperation with Israel.Show less
In this thesis the influence of the Israel lobby group on the relationship between Israel and the United States is examined. subsequently, the dependency of Israel on the US is analysed, as this...Show moreIn this thesis the influence of the Israel lobby group on the relationship between Israel and the United States is examined. subsequently, the dependency of Israel on the US is analysed, as this will correlate with the influence of the Israel lobby group.Show less
The last ten years Israel has seen a huge increase in the number of religious women enlisting to the army. This thesis will describe the media discourse regarding the recruitment of religious girls...Show moreThe last ten years Israel has seen a huge increase in the number of religious women enlisting to the army. This thesis will describe the media discourse regarding the recruitment of religious girls in the IDF (Israeli Defense Force) between 2009 and 2018.Show less
The self-image and international recognition of Israel as a Jewish and democratic state has prompted a wide range of scholarly debate since its establishment in 1948. The long-lasting Israel...Show moreThe self-image and international recognition of Israel as a Jewish and democratic state has prompted a wide range of scholarly debate since its establishment in 1948. The long-lasting Israel-Palestine conflict has led to a series of harmful acts within the state and as such, has resulted in many questioning Israel's claims to democracy. Since Israel is considered an example of a Western democratic state and is often recognized by the West as being the only successful democracy in the Middle East, this thesis aims to analyze this claim. By approaching the matter from a legal perspective, specifically focusing on the conception of citizenship and the allocation of land within Israel, the research demonstrates that laws practiced by the Israeli parliament leads to clear tension between the concepts 'Jewish' and 'democratic’, since the laws put into place to govern the citizens of the state have as a priority to uphold the Jewish character of the state and to protect the Jewish majority residing in Israel. As such, this research concludes that Israel should not be considered compatible to a traditional Western democracy, since the state's two identities, Jewish and democratic contradict each other in practice.Show less
This thesis analyzes the Israeli coverage of the campaign and election of Donald J. Trump as the 45th President of the United States. It does so by thoroughly reviewing the coverage of three...Show moreThis thesis analyzes the Israeli coverage of the campaign and election of Donald J. Trump as the 45th President of the United States. It does so by thoroughly reviewing the coverage of three Israeli newspapers. It provides a twofold background as a cadre to put this coverage in. First, a review on the academic literature published about the US-Israeli special relationship. Second, an analysis of the issues that have shaped and are shaping Israeli society. In this way, it is making an effort to understand US-Israeli dynamics as they are today.Show less
This paper discusses the relationship between Israel’s high-tech industry and the high levels of income inequality in the country. The high-tech cluster in Israel is very successful, but this...Show moreThis paper discusses the relationship between Israel’s high-tech industry and the high levels of income inequality in the country. The high-tech cluster in Israel is very successful, but this success does not benefit the Israeli workforce equally. The main argument of this paper is that the high wages of the Israeli high-tech industry benefit only a small, overwhelmingly Jewish and highly educated elite, and thereby contribute to the high income inequality. The findings of this paper support the main argument. The majority of the workers in the high-tech sector are highly educated and Jewish. Their wages are significantly above the average wages in other sectors and qualify them to belong to the quintile with the highest income share. In addition, the data confirms that only the wages of the upper quintile are increasing, while the wages of all other quintiles are declining. This development is reinforced by the lack of unionisation in the high-tech sector and the declining importance of trade unions in other sectors. The findings further suggest that entrepreneurship in the high-tech sector requires substantial levels of knowledge and finance. Overall, it can be concluded that the high-tech industry in Israel contributes to a polarisation of income in the country.Show less
Besides strong physical presence in Israeli society, the Israel Defense Forces' (IDF) symbolic presence in society is even more pervasive through constant transmission of its prominent values,...Show moreBesides strong physical presence in Israeli society, the Israel Defense Forces' (IDF) symbolic presence in society is even more pervasive through constant transmission of its prominent values, embodied by the concept of strategic culture. This paper analyses the process of cultural transmission, performed by the IDF, within the framework of militarized socialization. Arguably, the process of militarized socialization underwent a shift from the use of military education as the main vehicle for socialization, to the use of religion as a vehicle for socialization and as an identity marker of the Israeli military as a whole. The gradual return of religion to the ranks may have important implications for the development of Israeli society, as well as for the course of the prolonged Israeli-Palestinian conflict in terms of decreased chances of rapprochement between the two parties.Show less
