This thesis examines how states try to evade accountability through denying accusations of human rights violations. It aims to fill the gap in the existing literature by analysing which stigma...Show moreThis thesis examines how states try to evade accountability through denying accusations of human rights violations. It aims to fill the gap in the existing literature by analysing which stigma rejection strategies are most applied by states, and how successful these strategies are for evading accountability. This research project consists of an in-depth discourse analysis of the case of Israel and their response to human rights violations in the occupied Palestinian territories. It does so according to a threefold analysis focussed on identifying (1) the accusations towards Israel, (2) Israel’s response to those accusations and (3) the outcome of that response. The analysis shows a consistent engagement of Israel with various forms of denial, which indicates that they do not have a clear preference on which stigma rejection strategies to adopt. The outcome of Israel’s response is unsuccessful in the sense that Israel does not manage to change the narrative of other states and persuade them of their innocence. The use of stigma rejection strategies can thus not be seen as a leading or direct cause for evading accountability.Show less
This research seeks to analyze the current hydropolitical relationship between Israel and Jordan in the light of the Declaration of Intent, agreed upon in November 2021. The agreement entails a...Show moreThis research seeks to analyze the current hydropolitical relationship between Israel and Jordan in the light of the Declaration of Intent, agreed upon in November 2021. The agreement entails a collaboration between the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, the State of Israel and the United Arab Emirates on water and energy issues. While the literature on hydropolitics has mainly focused on the connection between water scarcity on the one hand, and conflict or cooperation, on the other, this study moves beyond this dichotomy by applying a mixed method of environmental peacebuilding and hydro-hegemony to the case-study. Built on theoretical analysis and including historical aspects, the international, regional and domestic context as well as the concept of asymmetrical power and discursive power, the research looks beyond elite interests and traditional theories of international relations. While the analysis identifies the envisaged cooperation from the water-for-energy deal as a form of technical environmental cooperation, the findings also stress the ambiguity in Jordan’s behavior and the underlying dynamics of power asymmetry, reinforced by the role of external actors and the use of dominant discourses.Show less
For 20 years, studies have been underlining a decrease in the attachment of young diaspora Jews with the State of Israel. While a broad majority of young Jews supports the existence of a Jewish...Show moreFor 20 years, studies have been underlining a decrease in the attachment of young diaspora Jews with the State of Israel. While a broad majority of young Jews supports the existence of a Jewish state in Palestine, an increasing minority develops an opposition to Israeli policies, especially concerning the occupation of Palestinian Territories. As Jewish organisations advocating for Palestinian rights flourish in the Western world, where the Jewish diaspora is in majority located, the process according to which young Jews are increasingly distancing themselves from an Israeli- centred Jewish identity seems important to inquire. Indeed, growing diaspora support for a just political solution to the Middle East conflict might have empiric repercussions on the Israeli government. Therefore, this thesis seeks to inquire the identification process of young progressive Jews in France and Britain relating to the Zionist project, and aims at answering the following question: What drives critical French and British Jewish youth’s identification choices in the construction of a non-Israel centric identity? This paper argues that young Jews self-identify in a nexus between the Jewish community, overwhelmingly Zionist, and external norms and values of human rights and social justice, which creates conflicting dynamics. When left-wing values out-weight the community’s narrative, it creates or strengthens a feeling of alienation among progressive Jewish youth, that is slowly turning into criticism and distancing from the State of Israel. This youth, therefore, seeks to navigate new spaces of identification and revive a Jewish identity able to reconcile this internal struggle. To demonstrate so, this thesis will firstly conceptualise identity and discuss historical debates on Jewish identity. It will then analyse the distancing hypothesis, and the debates it created among scholars about its accuracy and potential factors. In the last two chapters, it will study the self- identification process of four young British and French Jews advocating for Palestinian rights. Through life-long interviews dealing with their attitudes towards a Zionist Jewish identity, this paper underlines the dynamics characterising their progressive alienation from the State of Israel: a primary discomfort, followed by a de-Zionification process, creating important fractures with friends, families, and their Jewishness, and finally the identification with a revived diasporic identity, able to reconcile Jewishness and anti-Zionism.Show less
Catalogues have been a staple library feature for the last several centuries, a useful finding tool for readers and organizational aid for librarians; they are also a representation of a particular...Show moreCatalogues have been a staple library feature for the last several centuries, a useful finding tool for readers and organizational aid for librarians; they are also a representation of a particular place and time. The form and content of a catalogue can provide insights into the social norms and scholarly interests of the era in which it was created. Employing a longitudinal and comparative approach, this thesis examines the published catalogues of Leiden University Library’s Hebrew manuscripts collection throughout its four centuries of existence. I compare these catalogues, mark the differences in the ways they describe Hebrew manuscripts, and illuminate the social changes or emerging scholarly fields that likely influenced their creators. Throughout this thesis, I argue that when it comes to Hebrew manuscripts, any examination of historical cataloguing trends or choices cannot be complete without also considering that era’s societal attitudes toward Jews, the original creators of the language and texts contained in said manuscripts. I conclude that there exists a direct correlation between the quality of the catalogues’ manuscript descriptions and the cataloguer’s knowledge of the Hebrew language and of Jewish literature and culture; I extrapolate the implications of this conclusion for the future of manuscript cataloguing in the digital age.Show less
Master thesis | Crisis and Security Management (MSc)
open access
Freshwater is an essential yet scarce good, that is predicted to only become scarcer because of climate change and growing populations. In addition, freshwater in rivers is often shared between...Show moreFreshwater is an essential yet scarce good, that is predicted to only become scarcer because of climate change and growing populations. In addition, freshwater in rivers is often shared between multiple countries. Despite multiple predictions by scholars and experts, states often do not go to war over freshwater. Instead, most disputes end in the signing of a treaty. However, these treaties are not always fair and do not, actually, always end conflict. In the view of this research, treaties are merely a way in which states fight, without using violence, and should thus be seen as a part of ongoing conflict, rather than the end of it. In addition, despite theoretical predictions, international organisations do not play a large role in the creation of River Basin Organisations and neither do hydrohegemons.Show less
In 2015 former president Reuven Rivlin claimed that Israel needs a redefinition of Israeliness to preserve the Israeli society. According to him, a new national identity must be created, with which...Show moreIn 2015 former president Reuven Rivlin claimed that Israel needs a redefinition of Israeliness to preserve the Israeli society. According to him, a new national identity must be created, with which all citizens can identify. When looking at the Israeli educational system, it becomes apparent that such a redefinition is necessary. As multiple studies have shown, the Arab- Palestinian community in Israel is not only marginalized in terms of the quality of the educational system, but also with regards to the contents of the education, mainly -but not limited to- in the field of history education, which amongst others ignore Palestinian perspectives on the ongoing Arab-Israeli conflict and which deny Palestinian belonging to the country. As this thesis shows, bilingual schools in Israel offer a radical alternative historical narrative that includes Palestinian perspectives, that treats Jewish and Palestinian identities on an equal basis and that at the same time creates an overarching narrative (or if you wish Israeliness) which connects both communities. At the same time however, this thesis argues that the success of the alternative historical narrative at bilingual schools is limited due to the same inequalities the education tries to counter, namely the lack of classes on Palestinian/Middle Eastern history, the continuing dominance of Jewish-Israeli frameworks for teaching history and the dominance of the Hebrew language. Nonetheless, although progress can still be made, the alternative approach to education of bilingual schools provide an inspirational basis for redefining Jewish-Palestinian relationships in the future.Show less
This thesis focuses on the normalization between Bahrain, The United Arab Emirates and Israel, which was signed as the Abraham Accords in 2020. It tries to portray motivations from both Gulf States...Show moreThis thesis focuses on the normalization between Bahrain, The United Arab Emirates and Israel, which was signed as the Abraham Accords in 2020. It tries to portray motivations from both Gulf States to normalize their relationships with Israel while building on IR literature. It explores the ties between the states from an economic and security perspective.Show less
The role of economics in normalization agreements has gained increasing attention in academia throughout recent years. Yet it remains debated to what extent economic incentives drive bilateral...Show moreThe role of economics in normalization agreements has gained increasing attention in academia throughout recent years. Yet it remains debated to what extent economic incentives drive bilateral normalization agreements. This research problem will be investigated in the context of the Abraham Accords, a recently signed normalization agreement between Israel and the United Arab Emirates. Three empirical chapters analyze economic incentives that were present in 2020 in the spheres of trade & economic relations, finance & investment, and tourism & people mobility. Central research findings include firstly, the UAE’s economic diversification leads to a demand of modern technologies which fits into Israel’s characteristic as a tech-driven export economy. Secondly, the UAE’s reinvestment of petrodollars through foreign direct investments connects well to Israel’s start-up sector that relies on investments. Thirdly, (religious) tourism is not only of economic importance for both States, but people mobility is necessary to facilitate economic cooperation in the spheres of trade & economic relations and finance & investment. Based on these findings the main argument is that political-economic incentives in the spheres of trade & economic relations, finance & investment, and tourism & people mobility were the main driver for Israel and the UAE to sign the Abraham Accords. International Relations theory in the form of Realism, Liberalism, Constructivism, and Marxism is applied as the study’s theoretical framework to better understand the State behavior and decisions taken by Israel and the UAE. The study concludes that these research findings are significant to understand incentives for potential future normalization agreements, particularly between Israel and other Arab States.Show less
The self-image and international recognition of Israel as a Jewish and democratic state has prompted a wide range of scholarly debate since its establishment in 1948. The long-lasting Israel...Show moreThe self-image and international recognition of Israel as a Jewish and democratic state has prompted a wide range of scholarly debate since its establishment in 1948. The long-lasting Israel-Palestine conflict has led to a series of harmful acts within the state and as such, has resulted in many questioning Israel's claims to democracy. Since Israel is considered an example of a Western democratic state and is often recognized by the West as being the only successful democracy in the Middle East, this thesis aims to analyze this claim. By approaching the matter from a legal perspective, specifically focusing on the conception of citizenship and the allocation of land within Israel, the research demonstrates that laws practiced by the Israeli parliament leads to clear tension between the concepts 'Jewish' and 'democratic’, since the laws put into place to govern the citizens of the state have as a priority to uphold the Jewish character of the state and to protect the Jewish majority residing in Israel. As such, this research concludes that Israel should not be considered compatible to a traditional Western democracy, since the state's two identities, Jewish and democratic contradict each other in practice.Show less
This thesis analyzes the Israeli coverage of the campaign and election of Donald J. Trump as the 45th President of the United States. It does so by thoroughly reviewing the coverage of three...Show moreThis thesis analyzes the Israeli coverage of the campaign and election of Donald J. Trump as the 45th President of the United States. It does so by thoroughly reviewing the coverage of three Israeli newspapers. It provides a twofold background as a cadre to put this coverage in. First, a review on the academic literature published about the US-Israeli special relationship. Second, an analysis of the issues that have shaped and are shaping Israeli society. In this way, it is making an effort to understand US-Israeli dynamics as they are today.Show less
This thesis asks how the rise of religious Zionism after the Yom Kippur War (1973) can be explained. This rise is puzzling, because whereas religious Zionism became more popular after the Six Day...Show moreThis thesis asks how the rise of religious Zionism after the Yom Kippur War (1973) can be explained. This rise is puzzling, because whereas religious Zionism became more popular after the Six Day War (1967), this stemmed from the euphoria associated with the victory and the annexation of Jerusalem. The Yom Kippur War, in contrast, led to uncertainty, protests and delegitimation of the government. Why then, was religious Zionism not reduced in popularity but strengthened instead? Apart from researching this question, this thesis focuses on the relation between the religionization of Israeli society and the rise of religious Zionism. In the second chapter, the details of religionization in Israel are researched through statistics, secondary literature and primary sources. What aspects of society had been religionized, and in what ways? Chapter three analyzes the previous literature on the subject in light of the evidence found in the previous chapter, but also scrutinizes whether there actually was a causal relationship between religionization and religious Zionism. Although this research found no conclusive evidence on the causal relationship between religionization and the popularity of religious Zionism, it does confirm other reasons behind its rise. Firstly, religious Zionists framed themselves as the new generation of pioneers, in contrast to the Labor government which took the blame for the Yom Kippur War. Moreover, the religious Zionists downplayed the influence on earthly events on the redemption of the Jewish people, which made the movement able to survive the setback that the Yom Kippur War arguably formed. Finally, secular ethno-nationalists were also attracted to religious Zionism as they shared a common goal: keeping the occupied (or ‘liberated’) territories.Show less
This thesis asks why the ongoing conflict between Palestinians and Israelis, has become a prominent issue within the British Labour Party. Further, it seeks to examine whether or not positions on...Show moreThis thesis asks why the ongoing conflict between Palestinians and Israelis, has become a prominent issue within the British Labour Party. Further, it seeks to examine whether or not positions on the conflict and expressions of solidarity with the Palestinians by members of the Party follow a general trend, and which external and internal factors have brought about the relative prominence of the conflict within the Party. It uses textual and discourse analysis to examine these questions and focuses on the formation of discourses around Palestine in the elite of the Labour party in the post-war period, with a particular focus on the period following the 1973 October war.Show less
