This research seeks to analyze the current hydropolitical relationship between Israel and Jordan in the light of the Declaration of Intent, agreed upon in November 2021. The agreement entails a...Show moreThis research seeks to analyze the current hydropolitical relationship between Israel and Jordan in the light of the Declaration of Intent, agreed upon in November 2021. The agreement entails a collaboration between the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, the State of Israel and the United Arab Emirates on water and energy issues. While the literature on hydropolitics has mainly focused on the connection between water scarcity on the one hand, and conflict or cooperation, on the other, this study moves beyond this dichotomy by applying a mixed method of environmental peacebuilding and hydro-hegemony to the case-study. Built on theoretical analysis and including historical aspects, the international, regional and domestic context as well as the concept of asymmetrical power and discursive power, the research looks beyond elite interests and traditional theories of international relations. While the analysis identifies the envisaged cooperation from the water-for-energy deal as a form of technical environmental cooperation, the findings also stress the ambiguity in Jordan’s behavior and the underlying dynamics of power asymmetry, reinforced by the role of external actors and the use of dominant discourses.Show less
For 20 years, studies have been underlining a decrease in the attachment of young diaspora Jews with the State of Israel. While a broad majority of young Jews supports the existence of a Jewish...Show moreFor 20 years, studies have been underlining a decrease in the attachment of young diaspora Jews with the State of Israel. While a broad majority of young Jews supports the existence of a Jewish state in Palestine, an increasing minority develops an opposition to Israeli policies, especially concerning the occupation of Palestinian Territories. As Jewish organisations advocating for Palestinian rights flourish in the Western world, where the Jewish diaspora is in majority located, the process according to which young Jews are increasingly distancing themselves from an Israeli- centred Jewish identity seems important to inquire. Indeed, growing diaspora support for a just political solution to the Middle East conflict might have empiric repercussions on the Israeli government. Therefore, this thesis seeks to inquire the identification process of young progressive Jews in France and Britain relating to the Zionist project, and aims at answering the following question: What drives critical French and British Jewish youth’s identification choices in the construction of a non-Israel centric identity? This paper argues that young Jews self-identify in a nexus between the Jewish community, overwhelmingly Zionist, and external norms and values of human rights and social justice, which creates conflicting dynamics. When left-wing values out-weight the community’s narrative, it creates or strengthens a feeling of alienation among progressive Jewish youth, that is slowly turning into criticism and distancing from the State of Israel. This youth, therefore, seeks to navigate new spaces of identification and revive a Jewish identity able to reconcile this internal struggle. To demonstrate so, this thesis will firstly conceptualise identity and discuss historical debates on Jewish identity. It will then analyse the distancing hypothesis, and the debates it created among scholars about its accuracy and potential factors. In the last two chapters, it will study the self- identification process of four young British and French Jews advocating for Palestinian rights. Through life-long interviews dealing with their attitudes towards a Zionist Jewish identity, this paper underlines the dynamics characterising their progressive alienation from the State of Israel: a primary discomfort, followed by a de-Zionification process, creating important fractures with friends, families, and their Jewishness, and finally the identification with a revived diasporic identity, able to reconcile Jewishness and anti-Zionism.Show less
Catalogues have been a staple library feature for the last several centuries, a useful finding tool for readers and organizational aid for librarians; they are also a representation of a particular...Show moreCatalogues have been a staple library feature for the last several centuries, a useful finding tool for readers and organizational aid for librarians; they are also a representation of a particular place and time. The form and content of a catalogue can provide insights into the social norms and scholarly interests of the era in which it was created. Employing a longitudinal and comparative approach, this thesis examines the published catalogues of Leiden University Library’s Hebrew manuscripts collection throughout its four centuries of existence. I compare these catalogues, mark the differences in the ways they describe Hebrew manuscripts, and illuminate the social changes or emerging scholarly fields that likely influenced their creators. Throughout this thesis, I argue that when it comes to Hebrew manuscripts, any examination of historical cataloguing trends or choices cannot be complete without also considering that era’s societal attitudes toward Jews, the original creators of the language and texts contained in said manuscripts. I conclude that there exists a direct correlation between the quality of the catalogues’ manuscript descriptions and the cataloguer’s knowledge of the Hebrew language and of Jewish literature and culture; I extrapolate the implications of this conclusion for the future of manuscript cataloguing in the digital age.Show less
In 2015 former president Reuven Rivlin claimed that Israel needs a redefinition of Israeliness to preserve the Israeli society. According to him, a new national identity must be created, with which...Show moreIn 2015 former president Reuven Rivlin claimed that Israel needs a redefinition of Israeliness to preserve the Israeli society. According to him, a new national identity must be created, with which all citizens can identify. When looking at the Israeli educational system, it becomes apparent that such a redefinition is necessary. As multiple studies have shown, the Arab- Palestinian community in Israel is not only marginalized in terms of the quality of the educational system, but also with regards to the contents of the education, mainly -but not limited to- in the field of history education, which amongst others ignore Palestinian perspectives on the ongoing Arab-Israeli conflict and which deny Palestinian belonging to the country. As this thesis shows, bilingual schools in Israel offer a radical alternative historical narrative that includes Palestinian perspectives, that treats Jewish and Palestinian identities on an equal basis and that at the same time creates an overarching narrative (or if you wish Israeliness) which connects both communities. At the same time however, this thesis argues that the success of the alternative historical narrative at bilingual schools is limited due to the same inequalities the education tries to counter, namely the lack of classes on Palestinian/Middle Eastern history, the continuing dominance of Jewish-Israeli frameworks for teaching history and the dominance of the Hebrew language. Nonetheless, although progress can still be made, the alternative approach to education of bilingual schools provide an inspirational basis for redefining Jewish-Palestinian relationships in the future.Show less
Founded in 2005, BDS (Boycott Divestment and Sanctions) is a movement that opposes the policies of successive Israeli governments towards the Palestinians and organises protests against Israel in...Show moreFounded in 2005, BDS (Boycott Divestment and Sanctions) is a movement that opposes the policies of successive Israeli governments towards the Palestinians and organises protests against Israel in the cultural, economic, academic and political arenas. Since 2009, BDS has seen success in mainly western European states by concentrating its efforts and increasing its activity. Current research on BDS focuses on whether BDS is antisemitic and other studies have focused on the academic and cultural boycott of Israel. The extent of influence of BDS on European politicians and political parties has, however, been largely ignored. Therefore, this research aims to examine the political institutionalisation of BDS between 2009–2020 in the politics of three European states: the United Kingdom (UK), France and the Netherlands. A cross-case analysis is used to compare and analyse the institutionalisation of BDS in the three case states. This thesis found that the BDS movement is not deeply institutionalised in the politics of France, the Netherlands and the UK; rather, this research has found that both the successive governments and national parliaments of each country have rejected BDS. There is a difference however between France and the UK on the one hand, and the Netherlands on the other. France and the UK have advanced anti-BDS legislation while the Dutch government, in contrast to France and the UK, has chosen to allow BDS to continue its operations.Show less
Constructivism has introduced a new perspective on International Relations (IR) which emphasizes ideational factors for the formation of state interests. Similarly, the so called ‘Emotional Turn’...Show moreConstructivism has introduced a new perspective on International Relations (IR) which emphasizes ideational factors for the formation of state interests. Similarly, the so called ‘Emotional Turn’ in IR advocates for an academic assessment of emotions in international politics and how the experience of feelings like humiliation, pride, anger shapes state behavior. This research aims to contribute to the Emotional Turn by proposing an academic assessment of the expression of victimhood as a dimension of a state’s identity using the case study of Israel. As IR theory is becoming more aware of ideational and emotional drivers of state action, conceptualizing victimhood in International Relations is an important endeavor. Victimhood is a social psychological concept describing a status or identity that the victim ascribes to themselves after suffering trauma. What are the emotional categories underlying a self-ascribed victimhood in Israel’s identity discourse towards international community? The methodological assessment employs Emotions Discourse Analysis to identify the categories and connotations of victimhood uttered in the speeches of Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu in his Annual Addresses to the UN General Assembly from 2015 to 2017. Understanding the emotional component of identity markers such as victimhood might offer policy makers new ways of reconciling ongoing conflicts and add to the ongoing debate on the impact of emotions in International Relations and discourse analysis.Show less
In my thesis, I argue that the end of the Cold War affected Israel’s role in the U.S. Middle East strategy. During the Cold War, this role was predominantly military. However, the end of the Cold...Show moreIn my thesis, I argue that the end of the Cold War affected Israel’s role in the U.S. Middle East strategy. During the Cold War, this role was predominantly military. However, the end of the Cold War changed this and as a result, this role was predominantly political and economic after the Cold War. I base my research on a combination of two theories: constructivism, an approach of International Relations (IR), and Historical Sociology (HS).Show less
“Administratieve detentie” is een term die over de arrestatie en detentie van personen zonder aanklacht of proces gaat. De voornaamste reden dat wordt gegeven is dat de persoon een...Show more“Administratieve detentie” is een term die over de arrestatie en detentie van personen zonder aanklacht of proces gaat. De voornaamste reden dat wordt gegeven is dat de persoon een veiligheidsrisico is voor de Israëlische staat. De detentie wordt toegestaan door middel van een administratief bevel in plaats van het gebruikelijke gerechtelijk decreet. Door middel van een veldonderzoek in de vorm van interviews zal ik ex-gedetineerden vragen stellen mijn hoofdvraag die luidt “In hoeverre heeft administratieve detentie effect op het sociale leven van de Palestijnen die in Administratieve detentie hebben gezeten?”.Show less
An analysis of the emotive portrayal of Dutch-Israeli relations by Dutch scholarship, looking at three case studies between the years 1979-1982 to see if there is sufficient empirical evidence for...Show moreAn analysis of the emotive portrayal of Dutch-Israeli relations by Dutch scholarship, looking at three case studies between the years 1979-1982 to see if there is sufficient empirical evidence for this emotive portrayal in academic studies.Show less
The last ten years Israel has seen a huge increase in the number of religious women enlisting to the army. This thesis will describe the media discourse regarding the recruitment of religious girls...Show moreThe last ten years Israel has seen a huge increase in the number of religious women enlisting to the army. This thesis will describe the media discourse regarding the recruitment of religious girls in the IDF (Israeli Defense Force) between 2009 and 2018.Show less
This thesis asks how the rise of religious Zionism after the Yom Kippur War (1973) can be explained. This rise is puzzling, because whereas religious Zionism became more popular after the Six Day...Show moreThis thesis asks how the rise of religious Zionism after the Yom Kippur War (1973) can be explained. This rise is puzzling, because whereas religious Zionism became more popular after the Six Day War (1967), this stemmed from the euphoria associated with the victory and the annexation of Jerusalem. The Yom Kippur War, in contrast, led to uncertainty, protests and delegitimation of the government. Why then, was religious Zionism not reduced in popularity but strengthened instead? Apart from researching this question, this thesis focuses on the relation between the religionization of Israeli society and the rise of religious Zionism. In the second chapter, the details of religionization in Israel are researched through statistics, secondary literature and primary sources. What aspects of society had been religionized, and in what ways? Chapter three analyzes the previous literature on the subject in light of the evidence found in the previous chapter, but also scrutinizes whether there actually was a causal relationship between religionization and religious Zionism. Although this research found no conclusive evidence on the causal relationship between religionization and the popularity of religious Zionism, it does confirm other reasons behind its rise. Firstly, religious Zionists framed themselves as the new generation of pioneers, in contrast to the Labor government which took the blame for the Yom Kippur War. Moreover, the religious Zionists downplayed the influence on earthly events on the redemption of the Jewish people, which made the movement able to survive the setback that the Yom Kippur War arguably formed. Finally, secular ethno-nationalists were also attracted to religious Zionism as they shared a common goal: keeping the occupied (or ‘liberated’) territories.Show less
This thesis asks why the ongoing conflict between Palestinians and Israelis, has become a prominent issue within the British Labour Party. Further, it seeks to examine whether or not positions on...Show moreThis thesis asks why the ongoing conflict between Palestinians and Israelis, has become a prominent issue within the British Labour Party. Further, it seeks to examine whether or not positions on the conflict and expressions of solidarity with the Palestinians by members of the Party follow a general trend, and which external and internal factors have brought about the relative prominence of the conflict within the Party. It uses textual and discourse analysis to examine these questions and focuses on the formation of discourses around Palestine in the elite of the Labour party in the post-war period, with a particular focus on the period following the 1973 October war.Show less
Barack Obama secured two remarkable deals during his presidency: the nuclear deal with Iran and the military deal with Israel. Which beliefs inspired Obama to establish these deals? In this thesis...Show moreBarack Obama secured two remarkable deals during his presidency: the nuclear deal with Iran and the military deal with Israel. Which beliefs inspired Obama to establish these deals? In this thesis Obama’s foreign policy towards nuclear Iran and military Israel is explored to determine whether any of the three ideologies – liberty promotion, orientalism and containment – have potentially inspired Obama’s decision to establish the deals. In both cases Obama’s actions indicate strong influence of the ideology of liberty promotion. The ideology of orientalism seems absent in both cases, and the containment ideology can be found in the Iran case only. The findings indicate that Obama’s approach has been inspired by particular ideologies when he dealt with nuclear Iran and military Israel.Show less
