In 2015 former president Reuven Rivlin claimed that Israel needs a redefinition of Israeliness to preserve the Israeli society. According to him, a new national identity must be created, with which...Show moreIn 2015 former president Reuven Rivlin claimed that Israel needs a redefinition of Israeliness to preserve the Israeli society. According to him, a new national identity must be created, with which all citizens can identify. When looking at the Israeli educational system, it becomes apparent that such a redefinition is necessary. As multiple studies have shown, the Arab- Palestinian community in Israel is not only marginalized in terms of the quality of the educational system, but also with regards to the contents of the education, mainly -but not limited to- in the field of history education, which amongst others ignore Palestinian perspectives on the ongoing Arab-Israeli conflict and which deny Palestinian belonging to the country. As this thesis shows, bilingual schools in Israel offer a radical alternative historical narrative that includes Palestinian perspectives, that treats Jewish and Palestinian identities on an equal basis and that at the same time creates an overarching narrative (or if you wish Israeliness) which connects both communities. At the same time however, this thesis argues that the success of the alternative historical narrative at bilingual schools is limited due to the same inequalities the education tries to counter, namely the lack of classes on Palestinian/Middle Eastern history, the continuing dominance of Jewish-Israeli frameworks for teaching history and the dominance of the Hebrew language. Nonetheless, although progress can still be made, the alternative approach to education of bilingual schools provide an inspirational basis for redefining Jewish-Palestinian relationships in the future.Show less
This thesis focuses on the normalization between Bahrain, The United Arab Emirates and Israel, which was signed as the Abraham Accords in 2020. It tries to portray motivations from both Gulf States...Show moreThis thesis focuses on the normalization between Bahrain, The United Arab Emirates and Israel, which was signed as the Abraham Accords in 2020. It tries to portray motivations from both Gulf States to normalize their relationships with Israel while building on IR literature. It explores the ties between the states from an economic and security perspective.Show less
The role of economics in normalization agreements has gained increasing attention in academia throughout recent years. Yet it remains debated to what extent economic incentives drive bilateral...Show moreThe role of economics in normalization agreements has gained increasing attention in academia throughout recent years. Yet it remains debated to what extent economic incentives drive bilateral normalization agreements. This research problem will be investigated in the context of the Abraham Accords, a recently signed normalization agreement between Israel and the United Arab Emirates. Three empirical chapters analyze economic incentives that were present in 2020 in the spheres of trade & economic relations, finance & investment, and tourism & people mobility. Central research findings include firstly, the UAE’s economic diversification leads to a demand of modern technologies which fits into Israel’s characteristic as a tech-driven export economy. Secondly, the UAE’s reinvestment of petrodollars through foreign direct investments connects well to Israel’s start-up sector that relies on investments. Thirdly, (religious) tourism is not only of economic importance for both States, but people mobility is necessary to facilitate economic cooperation in the spheres of trade & economic relations and finance & investment. Based on these findings the main argument is that political-economic incentives in the spheres of trade & economic relations, finance & investment, and tourism & people mobility were the main driver for Israel and the UAE to sign the Abraham Accords. International Relations theory in the form of Realism, Liberalism, Constructivism, and Marxism is applied as the study’s theoretical framework to better understand the State behavior and decisions taken by Israel and the UAE. The study concludes that these research findings are significant to understand incentives for potential future normalization agreements, particularly between Israel and other Arab States.Show less
President Trump successfully secured the Republican vote in the US Presidential election of 2016. Donald Trump is notoriously not religious but he is seen as a vehicle to elevate the religious...Show morePresident Trump successfully secured the Republican vote in the US Presidential election of 2016. Donald Trump is notoriously not religious but he is seen as a vehicle to elevate the religious agenda in the political arena. In 2016, Donald Trump run a campaign that engaged with the evangelicals’ desire to restore social and cultural ‘morality’ in the public space and their desire to unwaveringly support Israel. Most of the scholarly debate on Trump’s stance on Israel is angled from a policy perspective, attributing his position to factors such as geopolitics, the influence of Biblical prophecy in American diplomacy, and the increased role of White Christian Nationalism in the political agenda. The research of this thesis will expand on the literature by exploring how Trump’s rhetoric and politics on Israel are used to appeal to his pro-Israel conservative base. The analysis of Trump’s rhetoric and political action using the tool of critical discourse analysis will provide insights between language, ideology, and power. President Trump’s language and political efforts concerning Israel appeal to the Christian evangelical base that makes up most of the Republican Party. Furthermore, Trump has enhanced the role of Christianity in politics, to promote the idea that progressive policies are incompatible with the American identity, and has established America’s relationship with Israel as an inherent value.Show less
Founded in 2005, BDS (Boycott Divestment and Sanctions) is a movement that opposes the policies of successive Israeli governments towards the Palestinians and organises protests against Israel in...Show moreFounded in 2005, BDS (Boycott Divestment and Sanctions) is a movement that opposes the policies of successive Israeli governments towards the Palestinians and organises protests against Israel in the cultural, economic, academic and political arenas. Since 2009, BDS has seen success in mainly western European states by concentrating its efforts and increasing its activity. Current research on BDS focuses on whether BDS is antisemitic and other studies have focused on the academic and cultural boycott of Israel. The extent of influence of BDS on European politicians and political parties has, however, been largely ignored. Therefore, this research aims to examine the political institutionalisation of BDS between 2009–2020 in the politics of three European states: the United Kingdom (UK), France and the Netherlands. A cross-case analysis is used to compare and analyse the institutionalisation of BDS in the three case states. This thesis found that the BDS movement is not deeply institutionalised in the politics of France, the Netherlands and the UK; rather, this research has found that both the successive governments and national parliaments of each country have rejected BDS. There is a difference however between France and the UK on the one hand, and the Netherlands on the other. France and the UK have advanced anti-BDS legislation while the Dutch government, in contrast to France and the UK, has chosen to allow BDS to continue its operations.Show less
A discovery of natural resources in your back garden. A blessing or a curse for the relationship with your neighbours? It is precisely this question that this paper is concerned with. Discoveries...Show moreA discovery of natural resources in your back garden. A blessing or a curse for the relationship with your neighbours? It is precisely this question that this paper is concerned with. Discoveries of enormous natural gas fields in the Eastern Mediterranean are having a paradigm shifting effect on the international relations of the region. Hence, the research question that drives this thesis is the following. What will the impact of the natural gas be on the international relations of the states of the Eastern Mediterranean? This paper will show that natural gas in the Eastern Mediterranean has led to greater cooperation and regionalisation and will continue to do so in the future. However, this paper will also show the limitations of the beneficial effects of cooperation over natural resources. The relevancy of this topic stems from it alluding to an important question, whether natural resources are a blessing or a curse. For many countries the discovery of natural resources has led to great wealth and development. However, for many others it has been a burden leading to less development and growth or even weakening democracy. Resources and the competition over them can also lead to conflict and it is this realm of the international political consequences of the resources that this paper is focused on.Show less
In my thesis, I argue that the end of the Cold War affected Israel’s role in the U.S. Middle East strategy. During the Cold War, this role was predominantly military. However, the end of the Cold...Show moreIn my thesis, I argue that the end of the Cold War affected Israel’s role in the U.S. Middle East strategy. During the Cold War, this role was predominantly military. However, the end of the Cold War changed this and as a result, this role was predominantly political and economic after the Cold War. I base my research on a combination of two theories: constructivism, an approach of International Relations (IR), and Historical Sociology (HS).Show less
“Administratieve detentie” is een term die over de arrestatie en detentie van personen zonder aanklacht of proces gaat. De voornaamste reden dat wordt gegeven is dat de persoon een...Show more“Administratieve detentie” is een term die over de arrestatie en detentie van personen zonder aanklacht of proces gaat. De voornaamste reden dat wordt gegeven is dat de persoon een veiligheidsrisico is voor de Israëlische staat. De detentie wordt toegestaan door middel van een administratief bevel in plaats van het gebruikelijke gerechtelijk decreet. Door middel van een veldonderzoek in de vorm van interviews zal ik ex-gedetineerden vragen stellen mijn hoofdvraag die luidt “In hoeverre heeft administratieve detentie effect op het sociale leven van de Palestijnen die in Administratieve detentie hebben gezeten?”.Show less
Understandings of Israeli geopolitical identity have traditionally revolved around core themes which have only rarely been deeply questioned. This has left other identitarian dimensions, some which...Show moreUnderstandings of Israeli geopolitical identity have traditionally revolved around core themes which have only rarely been deeply questioned. This has left other identitarian dimensions, some which have recently emerged, undeservedly unexplored. Literature on the topic largely focuses on Israel’s historic Jewish and Western identity dimensions in within the frames pertaining to Israeli domestic affairs, such as the Mizrahi-Ashkenazi divide, or the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This thesis questions these traditional understandings and attempts to reveal other alternatives, by examining the multidimensionality of Israel’s geopolitical identity in the frame of the emerging US-China polarity. The issue of Israel’s geopolitical identity essentially concerns the question of the way Israel perceives itself and its geopolitical positioning in the global system. As constructed geopolitical ‘realities’, these conceptions are oversimplifications of a much more complex reality. By analyzing Israeli elite discourse in the US-China frame, the following dissertation shows how alternative identitarian dimensions have emerged, whilst some traditional dimensions have endured through elite discourse in Israel. The research aims to broaden the discussion surrounding Israel’s geopolitical identity in the 21st century.Show less
This thesis analyzes the motives behind the hesitation of the American military interference in Syria to overthrow President Bashar al Assad. It provides a close focus on the role of global and...Show moreThis thesis analyzes the motives behind the hesitation of the American military interference in Syria to overthrow President Bashar al Assad. It provides a close focus on the role of global and regional actors in Syria. The research question of this paper is: What explains the hesitancy of the US involvement in the Syrian War? The research is focused on the red-line speech of President Obama to intervene in Syria and the following chemical weapon attack in Damascus. This study provides significant insight into the political relations between the US and Syria as well as the Syrian civil war. Many academic pieces of literature have been examined to combine valuable information about the power dynamics in the Middle East and their impact on the Syrian civil war. As a result, it is concluded that there are multiple causes behind the hesitancy of the US military intervention in Syria. These are listed as, the vetoes of Russia and China in the UN Security Council, the concern of non-ending regional war, the economic, political and humanitarian costs of the war, the emergence of the radical groups and the absence of strong secular opposition, the concern of state of chaos after the intervention, minor factors like difficult geography, population and the advanced air defense of SyriaShow less
The aim of this study is to find out how the occupation in the West Bank is maintained by Israel, the Palestinian Authority, its capitalist class and the aid agencies with its donors. Hereby, the...Show moreThe aim of this study is to find out how the occupation in the West Bank is maintained by Israel, the Palestinian Authority, its capitalist class and the aid agencies with its donors. Hereby, the focus set upon the question what the neoliberal economic policies in the West Bank are and how they play a role in the occupation of it. To answer this question, the thesis will explore the policies of both Israel and the Palestinian Authority next to the policies that are promoted in the West Bank by aid agencies and international donors. Israel’s neoliberal economic policies will be explained through its economic interests in the West Bank, such as land, labour, water and market. Furthermore, the study will look into the neoliberal economic policies of the Palestinian Authority and how the Palestinian capitalist class has been created through these policies. Lastly, the study will highlight the role of international donors and aid agencies in the West Bank and the means in which they apply their influence to promote neoliberal economic policies that sustain the occupation of the West Bank. The study will show that the neoliberal economic policies in the West Bank contribute to its occupation and its dependency on the Israeli economy and international aid. However, not only Israel profits from the occupation, but also the Palestinian Authority and the Palestinian elite through their cooperation with Israel.Show less
In this thesis the influence of the Israel lobby group on the relationship between Israel and the United States is examined. subsequently, the dependency of Israel on the US is analysed, as this...Show moreIn this thesis the influence of the Israel lobby group on the relationship between Israel and the United States is examined. subsequently, the dependency of Israel on the US is analysed, as this will correlate with the influence of the Israel lobby group.Show less
The last ten years Israel has seen a huge increase in the number of religious women enlisting to the army. This thesis will describe the media discourse regarding the recruitment of religious girls...Show moreThe last ten years Israel has seen a huge increase in the number of religious women enlisting to the army. This thesis will describe the media discourse regarding the recruitment of religious girls in the IDF (Israeli Defense Force) between 2009 and 2018.Show less
