After an examination of primary and secondary American, Israeli, and international sources such as White House speeches, Aljazeera interviews, American and Israeli newspapers, and documentaries,...Show moreAfter an examination of primary and secondary American, Israeli, and international sources such as White House speeches, Aljazeera interviews, American and Israeli newspapers, and documentaries, this thesis shows that former president of the United States Donald Trump was the opposite of a mediator for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Instead of being the broker of peace, Trump’s foreign policy created more agitation in the Middle Eastern region, and on the international level. Trump played a strategic game, in which realist and constructivist elements were visible in particular. Thus, this study argues that Trump certainly did not improve the tense situation in the Middle East, although he truly saw himself as the true peace maker. In addition to that, this thesis makes a contribution to the field of International Relations in two ways. Firstly, this thesis created clarity by connecting several aspects of Trump’s decision-making on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict to specific IR theories. Secondly, it is an addition to the yet incomplete amount of academic literature on the Trump Administration’s approach for this particular conflict.Show less
In this thesis I will review the dynamics of economic relations between Israel and Palestine, in the context of its corresponding policy framework and the institutional arrangements (the Oslo...Show moreIn this thesis I will review the dynamics of economic relations between Israel and Palestine, in the context of its corresponding policy framework and the institutional arrangements (the Oslo Accords) that cover the implementation and management of those relations. I focus on the effect of the agreements on Palestine’s capacity to generate revenue, and will analyse this from three economic domains in which revenue can be generated: trade, taxation and labour. I will argue that the Oslo peace process has formalized and institutionalized economic relations that foster serious economic dependency, and that the agreements have failed to address the core economic weaknesses the Palestinian economy has had to deal with as a consequence of prolonged occupation and colonial structures.Show less
The aim of this thesis is to assess the role of the European Union in transboundary water relations between Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT) since the Oslo II Accords, and in...Show moreThe aim of this thesis is to assess the role of the European Union in transboundary water relations between Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT) since the Oslo II Accords, and in particular the extent to which EU policy is reinforcing Israel's position regarding the shared water resources. The research shows that EU policy contributes towards the further consolidation of Israeli control over Palestinian resources, an important aspect of the occupation which undermines the possibility of the emergence of a viable Palestinian state. The research is based on Marxist views of political economy, arguing that power relations play a determining role in the way in which transboundary water interaction takes place between Israel and the OPT. Using the framework of hydro-hegemony and Steven Lukes three dimensions of power, the analysis shows that there is a discrepancy between EU rhetoric and practice which results in the EU sustaining Israel's hydro-hegemony.Show less
The study delves into the convoluted relationship between women and war and analysis the reasons that led Israel and Palestine to admit women in their combat units in the early 2000s.
Unlike the Cold War era, in which realist perceptions about the global world order were prevalent, the explanation of roots of conflicts has since then increasingly shifted towards questions of...Show moreUnlike the Cold War era, in which realist perceptions about the global world order were prevalent, the explanation of roots of conflicts has since then increasingly shifted towards questions of culture and ethnicity. According to Samuel Huntington (1993, 1996), who introduced the notion of a clash of civilization, civilizations are fundamentally characterized by their respective religions. In concrete terms, it became a widely shared assumption that classical (realist) conflicts caused by economic, territorial or power-related motives were outdated. This thesis aims to build its argumentation on this “revitalization of religion” while aiming to assess the two opposing roles of Israelis and Palestinians as securitizing actors, which consistently invoke religion in their securitizing policies (Laustsen/Waever 2000: 705). These are fueled by myths and opposing identities that create an ‘us’ versus ‘them’ phenomenon. The human need for identity and its social construction is thus key for the further analysis. Taking a starting point from Lucke’s and McLarren’s (2017) work, the question is raised whether and how religion should be included within the securitizing framework. This work is based on the idea that religion is easily securitized by actors who base their entire argumentation on an existential threat posed by the ‘enemy’ against them.Show less
