This research seeks to analyze the current hydropolitical relationship between Israel and Jordan in the light of the Declaration of Intent, agreed upon in November 2021. The agreement entails a...Show moreThis research seeks to analyze the current hydropolitical relationship between Israel and Jordan in the light of the Declaration of Intent, agreed upon in November 2021. The agreement entails a collaboration between the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, the State of Israel and the United Arab Emirates on water and energy issues. While the literature on hydropolitics has mainly focused on the connection between water scarcity on the one hand, and conflict or cooperation, on the other, this study moves beyond this dichotomy by applying a mixed method of environmental peacebuilding and hydro-hegemony to the case-study. Built on theoretical analysis and including historical aspects, the international, regional and domestic context as well as the concept of asymmetrical power and discursive power, the research looks beyond elite interests and traditional theories of international relations. While the analysis identifies the envisaged cooperation from the water-for-energy deal as a form of technical environmental cooperation, the findings also stress the ambiguity in Jordan’s behavior and the underlying dynamics of power asymmetry, reinforced by the role of external actors and the use of dominant discourses.Show less
This thesis investigates the processes of repression and exclusion of the Palestinian refugee in the Arab host-state. A theoretical framework using theories from Michel Foucault, Hannah Arendt,...Show moreThis thesis investigates the processes of repression and exclusion of the Palestinian refugee in the Arab host-state. A theoretical framework using theories from Michel Foucault, Hannah Arendt, Giorgio Agamben, Michael Hardt, and Antonio Negri, is used to analyse the situation of the refugee in the three case studies of Lebanon, Syria, and Jordan. It is argued that biopolitics are employed to control and exclude the Palestinian refugee. The host-state excuses this exclusion through the retoric of the incommensurability of the right of return to Palestine with citizenship of the host-state. Gaining citizenship of the host-state supposedly cancels the right of return to Palestine. This discourse is a tool that is employed by the host-states when he refugee proses a threat to their status quo. This thesis disagrees with this supposed incommensurability argueing that the two can co-exist. Furthermore, an analysis of the situation of the Palestinian refugee in the case studies leads to the conclusion that Hannah Arendt and Giorgio Agamben were right when argueing that the nation-state is the only institution capable of upholding human rights and that without citizenship the refugee is vulnerable and without protection. Because of this, serious steps need to be taken towards citizenship for the Palestinian refugee.Show less
British interests in the Middle East have consistently been upheld through diplomatic means. Originally colonial, expansionist and imperial in manner, contemporary diplomatic interests in the...Show moreBritish interests in the Middle East have consistently been upheld through diplomatic means. Originally colonial, expansionist and imperial in manner, contemporary diplomatic interests in the region are labelled as bilateral, and moving away from the traditionally colonial, imperial and Orientalist discourse first established with British interest in the region. This thesis examines British diplomatic attitudes towards the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, investigating the language from the mid-twentieth century to the early twenty-first in order to highlight and explain the subtleties of colonial and Orientalist mentality still noticeable in contemporary British diplomacy towards the country, and indeed, reflective of the wider MENA region. Show less
Jordan is undoubtedly a highly resilient state. Many scholars have claimed that Jordan constitutes a “hybrid system of governance” combining features of both democracy and autocracy. The main...Show moreJordan is undoubtedly a highly resilient state. Many scholars have claimed that Jordan constitutes a “hybrid system of governance” combining features of both democracy and autocracy. The main debates on the field are increasingly revolving around the persistence of its political stability. The current thesis explores the persistence of the Jordanian monarchy since the onset of its political liberalization in 1989 and demonstrates that the regime in Jordan employed several regime survival strategies, based on legitimation, co-optation and repression in order to ensure its longevity. To better illustrate the current argument, the research that follows attempts a theory testing, based on these three key theories which - with the support of both primary and secondary sources - try to explain the puzzle of monarchical regime endurance in Jordan.Show less
Environmental issues are becoming increasingly pressuring, and in the Middle Eastern context, formal politics and legal regulations have been insufficient to achieve significant improvements for...Show moreEnvironmental issues are becoming increasingly pressuring, and in the Middle Eastern context, formal politics and legal regulations have been insufficient to achieve significant improvements for environmental protection. Civil society organisations such as a NGOs are thus crucial actors in this context. Since they work on a voluntary basis and aim to persuade and mobilise the population, their success depends heavily on the attitudes and beliefs of their audience. Therefore, this thesis discusses the potential of Green Islam for environmental NGOs in Jordan by identifying important aspects that are particular to faith-based environmental activism and applying them to the context of Jordan. It finds that faith-based environmental activism can be helpful for framing, as it renders the issues more relatable to the audience, and provides the organisations with legitimacy derived from a religious discourse. Furthermore, faith-based environmentalism anchors environmental values more deeply on an individual level, which, it is argued, creates stronger incentives for action. Therefore, given the strong presence of Islam in the Jordanian political and societal discourse, the thesis concludes that Green Islam can be valuable for environmental activism in Jordan.Show less
The overwhelming majority of the more than five and a half million Syrians have fled to neighboring countries in the Middle East without their civil documents. Particularly in a refugee context, it...Show moreThe overwhelming majority of the more than five and a half million Syrians have fled to neighboring countries in the Middle East without their civil documents. Particularly in a refugee context, it is crucial for the standard of living for Syrian refugees and eventual return to Syria to be adequately documented. Complex civil registration systems in the host countries, however, often prevent Syrian refugees from obtaining civil documentation, thereby expanding the problem of the lack and loss of civil documentation of Syrian refugees. This thesis examines the different civil registration systems and their consequences for Syrian refugees in Jordan, Turkey, and Lebanon through an in-depth analysis focusing on legal status, marriage and birth registration. This thesis argues that the difference in implemented civil registration systems is determined by each host country’s social, political, and economic situation before and during the Syrian refugee influx and the extent to which the Syrian refugees have impacted the country, positively and negatively. In Turkey, the government has adopted a temporary protection regime, which includes refugee-sensitive civil registration systems. However, in Lebanon and to a lesser extent Jordan, Syrian refugees are still facing many challenges trying to obtain civil documentation due to the complex civil registration systems. As the eight years of hosting refugees has turned out more harmful than beneficial for the host countries, discussions on the return of Syrian refugees has increasingly become louder. However, a lot of change is still required to ensure that Syrian refugees are adequately documented.Show less
This thesis looks at the case of Jordan and argues that corporatisation and privatisation efforts lead to improved success in economic efficiency, environmental sustainability, and social equity...Show moreThis thesis looks at the case of Jordan and argues that corporatisation and privatisation efforts lead to improved success in economic efficiency, environmental sustainability, and social equity for water management when sufficient regulatory capabilities exist. The success of water privatisation is disputed, both politically and academically. So far, evidence is inconclusive. This thesis develops an analytical framework for examining how privatisation may contribute to success in water management. Jordan is running dry, both financially and in terms of water. Given these circumstances, efficient water management is important. Jordan aims to solve its problems by involving the private sector. In applying the framework to Jordan, this work both establishes the validity of the framework and simultaneously shows that involving the private sector can be an appropriate approach for Jordan to tackle its water management issues. This insight has concrete policy implications: smaller scale private partnerships may be more appropriate than larger projects where less regulatory capacity exists. Even as they may have less impact, they can improve efficiency and are easier and less controversial to implement.Show less
Research master thesis | Middle Eastern Studies (research) (MA)
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In 2011 an unprecedented wave of protests erupted from Tunisia and soon spread throughout the Arab World. While the initial euphoria was backed by the revolutions in Tunis and Cairo, the course of...Show moreIn 2011 an unprecedented wave of protests erupted from Tunisia and soon spread throughout the Arab World. While the initial euphoria was backed by the revolutions in Tunis and Cairo, the course of events in Libya, Yemen, Bahrain and ultimately Syria began to highlight that a romantic view of revolutions seems out of place. The two kingdoms of Jordan and Morocco have also witnessed significant protests in 2011 especially. However, these did not lead to a revolution – in fact, this was not their goal. The vast majority of those rallying in the streets demanded reforms of Jordan's and Morocco's political institutions, including the parliament, the electoral law and the constitution. This development, combined with the resilience of the Gulf monarchies (with Bahrain as a critical case), has once again brought the monarchy debate back into the limelight. The major underlying question here is does monarchy matter? Facing protests, both Abdullah II and Muhammad VI responded by reforming institutions. In Jordan, the constitution was amended and elections were held. In Morocco, the people could decide on a new constitution by means of a referendum and early elections were held. While ostensibly giving in to the demands of the protesters, these changes did not challenge the status quo but left Abdullah II and Muhammad VI with their almost omnipotent power. From a theoretical perspective this seems particularly interesting. Different approaches, stressing the impact of rentierism, foreign support or family participation, have attempted to explain the survival of monarchies in the Arab World over the past decades. The euphoria of the 'third wave of democratization' (Huntington) and the 'end of history' (Fukuyama) then transcended into scholarly publications during the 1990s, fostering the idea of institutions, once in place, contributing to a gradual process of democratization. During the second half of the 2000s scholars then began to realize that such effects failed to materialize in many cases. In fact, incumbents seemed to have employed democratic rhetoric and (re-)installed parliaments as well as elections while at the same time limiting their power and impact. In Jordan and Morocco these institutions also included another crucial function to Abdullah II and Muhammad VI respectively: they provided an intermediary level between king and people that can be criticized. In order to underpin this analysis, several primary sources for selected key dates since 2011 were taken into account besides the secondary literature. For Jordan, speeches of Abdullah II were considered as well as the text of the constitution, seeing that the latter was subject to change in 2011. Moreover, the coverage of the pro-monarchy newspaper Al-Dustour, the independent Ammon News and the country's main political opposition, the Islamic Action Front IAF, was analyzed. In a similar fashion, the statements of Muhammad VI and the kingdom's constitution were looked at for Morocco. Furthermore, the pro-monarchy newspaper Al-Sabah and the independent Al-Masa' were part of the analysis as well as Morocco's Islamist political opposition party, the Parti de la Justice et du Développement PJD, and the 20 February Movement, a youth group that was founded in early 2011. As the analysis suggests, the discourse about changes in the political system that erupted again in 2011 was almost entirely directed at reforming political institutions. Across the board official statements, pro-monarchy newspapers, but also independent and oppositional groups, made use of a technical language that focused on reforming the parliament, the electoral law or the constitution. These actors also approved the changes made respectively, seeing a solution and a step forward in them. Here, only little demands for a continued reform were raised. All these actors seemed to operate within the boundaries defined by the palace. The example of the 20 February Movement in Morocco stressed how deviating from this public reform discourse can result in selective repression and crackdown. The monarchies Jordan and Morocco have dodged the Arab Spring by allowing and engaging in institutional reforms. Although constitutions were amended or changed and elections were held the power balance has not changed. Accordingly, these institutions have helped Abdullah II and Muhammad VI to maintain their hold onto power rather than lowering it. Such an understanding of political institutions challenges the idea of them ultimately bringing about democratic change. Moreover, with regards to the monarchy debate the findings suggest that such a political setup, in which institutions serve as intermediary between king and people, allows the kings to remain seemingly distant from daily politics. It appears more difficult for presidents or prime minister, as heads of states in republics, to act in a similar fashion as they are by definition presiding the government.Show less
