This study examines the solidarity alliances of the Armenian, Assyrian and Kurdish communities in Diyarbakir, Turkey. Additionally, it poses the question, whether these alliances challenge a more...Show moreThis study examines the solidarity alliances of the Armenian, Assyrian and Kurdish communities in Diyarbakir, Turkey. Additionally, it poses the question, whether these alliances challenge a more exclusive national identity that is established in the official Turkish discourse. The alliances that are touched upon are the political environment of Diyarbakir; the celebration of Newroz; the commemoration of murder of Hrant Dink; and Armenian and Assyrian Genocide commemorations. I argue that the main manifestation of most of these solidarities is creation of more openness about the Genocides, in especially Kurdish discourse. The alliances depicted in this paper are each different and each form a different degree of challenge to the Turkish national identity. I conclude that the political environment of Diyarbakir forms the greatest threat, which can be perceived in the state’s crackdown of its established institutions and initiatives of cultural practices, as it does not fit the homogenous identity that the Turkish State ascribes to itself.Show less
This study examines the solidarity alliances of the Armenian, Assyrian and Kurdish communities in Diyarbakir, Turkey. Additionally, it poses the question, whether these alliances challenge a more...Show moreThis study examines the solidarity alliances of the Armenian, Assyrian and Kurdish communities in Diyarbakir, Turkey. Additionally, it poses the question, whether these alliances challenge a more exclusive national identity that is established in the official Turkish discourse. The alliances that are touched upon are the political environment of Diyarbakir; the celebration of Newroz; the commemoration of murder of Hrant Dink; and Armenian and Assyrian Genocide commemorations. I argue that the main manifestation of most of these solidarities is creation of more openness about the Genocides, in especially Kurdish discourse. The alliances depicted in this paper are each different and each form a different degree of challenge to the Turkish national identity. I conclude that the political environment of Diyarbakir forms the greatest threat, which can be perceived in the state’s crackdown of its established institutions and initiatives of cultural practices, as it does not fit the homogenous identity that the Turkish State ascribes to itself.Show less
Why do some minorities resort to ethnic political violence against the state? How do states’ nation-building practices and their often accompanying assimilationist state policies influence this...Show moreWhy do some minorities resort to ethnic political violence against the state? How do states’ nation-building practices and their often accompanying assimilationist state policies influence this decision? This research delves into these questions by means of a comparative analysis between two state-minority relationships, that of the Amazigh minority with the Moroccan state and the Kurdish minority with the Turkish state. Whereas both minorities have been subject to their states’ nation-building endeavours, the Amazigh minority unlike the Kurdish minority has not resorted to violence as a response to this. Both factors related to the state and factors to do with minorities’ ability to mobilize have been shown to influence this decision. Based upon an historical analysis of these factors for both cases, the findings of this research strongly suggest that conditions of political exclusion and discrimination, heavy state interference in both the public and private domain, and violent state repression specifically aimed at an ethnic minority can explain the resort to ethnic political violence of minorities. At the same time, the findings call into question the explanatory capability of economic factors with regard to the rise of ethnic political violence.Show less
one of the biggest problems for many states at the time of writing this thesis is the multi-ethnic and multi-nationalistic dynamics within states. Examples of these kind of states are Spain and the...Show moreone of the biggest problems for many states at the time of writing this thesis is the multi-ethnic and multi-nationalistic dynamics within states. Examples of these kind of states are Spain and the secessionist Catalan movement, Morocco and its Berber question, and the case that will be researched in this thesis, the Turkish state and the Kurdish ethno-nationalistic movement that exists within its borders. This thesis will research how the AKP is managing the Kurdish question in Turkey. After analyzing religious, constitutional and idological factors that have influence on the matter this thesis comes to the conclusion that the AKP and Erdogan have not been successful in implementing any major reforms that will solve the Kurdish question in Turkey. The only reform that the AKP and Erdogan have implemented that have had any significant effect are the ideological reforms. These reforms have shown their potential to be of paramount importance in the nation-building process in Turkey.Show less
