After the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1989, multiple Eastern European countries found a sense of safety in becoming member states of the European Union (EU). While this ensured a novel form of...Show moreAfter the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1989, multiple Eastern European countries found a sense of safety in becoming member states of the European Union (EU). While this ensured a novel form of European unification, this process also caused division, as the EU’s interests do not always align with those of its member states. Whereas the EU has a certain mission, its attempts to unify the European continent result in various forms of conflict, as focusing on supranational matters leaves room for domestic issues to exist and escalate. This thesis examines the identity struggle of the EU that results from the conservative EU member state Poland not conforming to the EU’s constructed role of protector for Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender (LGBT) individuals. This thesis aims to explore the effect of the EU’s LGBT Rights Aspirations on the Position of Poland as an internal ‘Other’. By recognizing the EU as a normative power and by using the concept of the relational Self/Other binary as part of the Othering process, it looks into the interrelationship between the EU and Poland, regarding the overarching theme of LGBT equality. A case study on the documentary ‘Invasion’, as part of the 2019 election campaign in Poland, is used to observe how Poland’s leading political party sees the LGBT community as an Other, combining this view with the supranational normative power that the EU imposes on its member states regarding LGBT rights. Additionally, the thesis addresses how the notion of the EU as a collective LGBT-friendly Self positions conservative Poland as an Other within EU borders.Show less
This thesis analyzes legislative and discursive approaches of the Civic platform-led (2007 – 2015) and the PiS-led (2015 – 2020) governments while also linking those approaches to the European...Show moreThis thesis analyzes legislative and discursive approaches of the Civic platform-led (2007 – 2015) and the PiS-led (2015 – 2020) governments while also linking those approaches to the European level. It shows that LGBT rights have become politicized at both the European and the national level in Poland. The EU both discursively and legislatively supports LGBT rights while alleging its (pro-LGBT) values that are both universal and European apparently leading it to be an example around the world. Therefore, the pro-EU governments in Poland were clearly more pro-EU. The Civic Platform-led government, as a generally pro-EU government, was hesitant to politicize LGBT rights because of its sensitiveness. However, through the years its discourse and policy towards LGBT rights became more explicit in supporting LGBT rights. On the other hand, the PiS-led government was highly critical of LGBT rights while using its opposition to LGBT rights as a tool to campaign. Its stance on LGBT rights exemplifies its ambiguous position vis-à-vis Europe; while asserting a European identity and favoring EU membership, the government rejects some the EU’s core values. Overall, this thesis argues that the politicization of LGBT rights can be both beneficial and harmful for LGBT people. The danger of politicization though, is that LGBT rights could be used to further political ends rather than being primarily concerned with the well-being of those people.Show less
The LGBTIQ rights landscape in the European Union is undergoing change. Government-endorsed discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation and gender identity has been on the rise in its...Show moreThe LGBTIQ rights landscape in the European Union is undergoing change. Government-endorsed discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation and gender identity has been on the rise in its Easternmost member states. In response to recent events, the European Commission has communicated that the Union must be at the forefront of efforts to better protect LGBTIQ people’s rights. This study critically examines the changing self-perception of the European Commission as it engages with the conflict over LGBTIQ rights. Process tracing of the emergence, (lack of) diffusion and subsequent contestation of the LGBTIQ norm in the region reveals that the ongoing dispute of values between the East and the West is a self-inflicted wound which can be traced back to the Eastern enlargement accession negotiations. The timid approach to the enforcement of European Union membership criteria has caused a normative gap post-accession, resulting in a regional identity crisis. Norm polarisation theory is proposed as a theoretical framework which can describe the deepening rift between the Union’s human rights profile on one hand, and Polish insistence on the right to tradition and sovereignty on the other.Show less
There has been no research into how the Russian government influences gender (in-)equality and LGBT rights through unofficial instruments. Unofficial instruments, in this thesis, pertains to things...Show moreThere has been no research into how the Russian government influences gender (in-)equality and LGBT rights through unofficial instruments. Unofficial instruments, in this thesis, pertains to things like the absence of hard action against violent homophobic groups and remarks Putin, or other government officials, have made in non official speeches. The research question is: How has the Putin administration, through unofficial ways, influenced gender equality and LGBT rights in the Russian Federation? The case studies used to answer this question, are the reaction to the #MeToo-movement in Russia and the lack of investigation by the government after the anti-gat purge in Chechnya.The case studies are: the reaction to the #MeToo campaign in Russia and the lack of investigation from the government after the anti-gay purge in Chechnya. The #MeToo campaign was not supported by many Russians, even though many Russian women face sexual harassment and the anti-gay purges were a violation of the rights of LGBT people. Both case studies are different, and focus on different groups in society. What the case studies do have in common, is that they show the presence of the so-called ‘traditional values’ in the Russian Federation. These case studies are used, because they show the variety in which the government can counter developments in gender equality and LGBT rights and acceptance.Show less
This thesis analyses the spread of so-called "partnership systems" among Japanese local governments. Its main aim is to prove that this spread can be attributed to the workings of policy diffusion....Show moreThis thesis analyses the spread of so-called "partnership systems" among Japanese local governments. Its main aim is to prove that this spread can be attributed to the workings of policy diffusion. Through a qualitative analysis of primary sources, such as municipal assembly minutes, the thesis establishes that the spread of this policy is indeed largely the result of an interdependence between local governments' policy choices. It explains this interdependence through a combination of the analytical frameworks of rational choice institutionalism and normative institutionalism. Both competition for status as well as the ability to learn from preceding governments' policies are found to have played a role. While the thesis does not find compelling evidence for the supposed role of regional proximity, its findings do suggest that core cities are more likely to be influenced by other core cities, and that designated cities are more likely to be influenced by other designated cities.Show less
