To this day LGBT and queer communities experience marginalisation, and discrimination and remain understudied and underrepresented across research. Consequently, there is a lack of resources,...Show moreTo this day LGBT and queer communities experience marginalisation, and discrimination and remain understudied and underrepresented across research. Consequently, there is a lack of resources, education and protection for these groups. It is necessary to represent their voices and lived experiences in research. Studying LGBT and queer populations is essential to understanding how they cope with these adversities. Research on LGBT communities in the context of self-love could give insights into how they learn to overcome internalised prejudice and cultivate self-love and authentic self-expression despite marginalisation. Individuals turn to social media to explore and share aspects of their queer identities. Therefore, this study aims to highlight the voices of LGBT individuals to uncover how they navigate and express their LGBT identity development. This study focuses on social media narratives to understand protective factors like authenticity and positive LGBT identity within the context of self-love. To achieve this, this study used a mixed-methods cross-sectional approach. By performing a qualitative content analysis, we identified themes across social media posts from Instagram and X (formerly known as Twitter) within the year 2019 that contained the hashtags #lgbt and #selflove (n = 723). The study also included a quantitative Chi-square analysis to investigate the association between posts that contain authentic views of the self and posts that 1) mention positive LGBT identity and 2) contain a personal tone of the post. Results of the content analysis revealed that the top five themes out of 26 themes discussed within #lgbt and #selflove posts were: 1) posts disclosing a personal story, 2) posts talking about identity pride and 3) identity integration, 4) posts written in a prosocial and 5) encouraging manner. Results also showed a statistically significant association about positive LGBT identity and authentic self-perception. No statistically significant association was found between posts about authentic self-perception and personal tone of post. The study brings forward the conversations that are shared within the context of LGBT and self- love on social media posts. It underscores the significance of social media as a place to express LGBT or queer identities and foster community support. It highlights the importance of research and mental health environments focusing on helping LGBT and queer individuals cultivate self-love and embrace their identities, which have often been neglected or associated with feelings of shame and discrimination.Show less
Populist forces in Europe are on the rise with parties like the National Rally in France and the Polish Law and Justice enjoying significant support of the population. While these parties often...Show morePopulist forces in Europe are on the rise with parties like the National Rally in France and the Polish Law and Justice enjoying significant support of the population. While these parties often focus on issues of immigration or security, their stance on LGBT rights is often less clear. Mudde's ideational approach describes populism as a “thin-centred ideology” dividing society into “the elite” and “the people,” implying that populists believe that there is no need for minority protection as the people are seen as “homogenous.” Populist parties in Western Europe, however, sometimes use LGBT rights to argue against immigration. As this trend seems to be absent from Eastern Europe, a “rainbow curtain” that divides LGBT-friendly and unfriendly populist parties could be drawn. This thesis challenges the assumption that Eastern European populism automatically opposes LGBT rights, focusing on the Czech populist movement Action of Dissatisfied Citizens (ANO). Using a discursive approach that does not assume that populists are against minority protection, the thesis examines ANO's attitudes towards LGBT rights on online news platforms and social media discourse from 2013 to 2024, with a focus on Prague Pride, same-sex adoption, and marriage, and ANO's relationship with Hungarian Fidesz. The analysis shows that ANO's attitudes are ambiguous, influenced by the politician asked (liberal vs. conservative members), timing (early enthusiastic support vs. later disregard or opposition), specific rights (same-sex unions vs. marriage and adoption), and platform (news vs. social media). Two main explanations follow from the primary source analysis. ANO's catch-all strategy to attract diverse voters and its use of LGBT rights to polarise and split the governing coalition.Show less
Master thesis | Cultural Anthropology and Development Sociology (MSc)
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This thesis delves into the complex dynamics of gender performance within the Tokyo trans and X-gender community, examining the ways in which individuals navigate their gender identities in...Show moreThis thesis delves into the complex dynamics of gender performance within the Tokyo trans and X-gender community, examining the ways in which individuals navigate their gender identities in different social settings. By adopting Erving Goffman's concept of the "frontstage" and the "backstage", the study aims to shed light on the complex interplay between conformity and self-expression in this cultural context. Through a combination of casual conversations, semi-structured interviews, observation, use of drawings, and analysis of online discourse, this research unveils the strategies employed by community members to negotiate societal norms and expectations. After defining gender roles and expectations in Japan, the thesis focuses on looks and the ability to "pass" as a cisgender person, which not only influence trans and X-gender people's possibility to access to queer and non-queer settings, but also condition their gender performance. Afterwards, the thesis focuses on gender performance in the "frontstage" and "backstage". Whereas the "frontstage" showcases the performative aspects of gender identity, often influenced by societal pressures and traditional gender roles, the "backstage" allows for a more authentic exploration of self, often characterized by fluidity and experimentation.Show less
This study examined needs and perceptions surrounding student burnout and the role that social support plays in the development of burnout. Specific attention was paid to LGBTQ students, a...Show moreThis study examined needs and perceptions surrounding student burnout and the role that social support plays in the development of burnout. Specific attention was paid to LGBTQ students, a vulnerable minority group that has shown to be more susceptible to stress (Meyer, 2003). The study had a mixed methods design. A survey including standardized and self-composed questions was administered among a convenience sample of 974 university students (85% Caucasian; 79% identifying as woman), 214 of whom identified as LGBTQ. Quantitative analysis was done in SPSS, and open questions were assessed using thematic analysis in ATLAS.ti. According to the burnout measure short (BMS), 56% of the sample met the diagnostic criteria of burnout. Social support and stress were significant predictors of burnout; however, a mediating effect of social support was not found. Many students attributed the high levels of stress and burnout to a high workload. Students want universities to reduce workload, teach coping skills, and pay more personal attention to students’ mental health. LGBTQ students showed significantly higher levels of burnout and stress and lower levels of social support. Students indicated that their LGBTQ identity had them navigate additional stressors, and they asked for LGBTQ-specific support from within their universities. The current study shows that burnout is a serious problem among students. Social support may play a small role in burnout; burnout prevention should mainly focus on reducing stress while considering the needs of students. Using firsthand input from the survey, this study presents two frameworks linking student needs to existing and new interventions.Show less
Past research indicates that psychological well-being is positively influenced by protective factors including religiosity, identity achievement, and identity affirmation. However, studies applying...Show morePast research indicates that psychological well-being is positively influenced by protective factors including religiosity, identity achievement, and identity affirmation. However, studies applying this model to SMI populations and investigating the interaction of protective factors listed above are yet scarce. This study, following a strengths-based approach, was focused on intrinsic religiosity and psychological well-being in SMI individuals and investigated whether the relationship between the two was mediated by identity achievement and identity affirmation while having gender as a covariate. An online survey was conducted where the participants were sexual minority adults (N = 241). The hypothesis was investigated using the fourth model of Hayes Mediation and Moderation Analysis Models. Additionally, Spearman’s correlation coefficients were calculated for each variable. The model yielded insignificant results for both identity achievement (b (SE) = .- 05 (.09), 95% CI: [-.26, .12]) and identity affirmation (b (SE): .03 (.18), 95% CI: [-.40, .34]) as mediators. The total effect of intrinsic religiosity on psychological well-being was also insignificant with b (SE) = -.57 (.57), t = -1.01, p = .31, 95% CI: [-1.69, .55]. The results of the study indicated that the proposed mediation model was insignificant and that the effect of intrinsic religiosity on psychological wellbeing is not mediated by identity achievement or affirmation. Future studies investigating this relationship should aim to obtain a sample with more variance in intrinsic religiosity. It is also recommended to integrate other protective factors into this model such as parental acceptance to explore the interactions in depth.Show less
As diplomatic ties between Russia and the West have gradually worsened in the early 2010s, it has become clearer that the rights of the LGBT community have become trapped in a geopolitical tug of...Show moreAs diplomatic ties between Russia and the West have gradually worsened in the early 2010s, it has become clearer that the rights of the LGBT community have become trapped in a geopolitical tug of war. In 2013, president Vladimir Putin declared the Russian Federation “a defender of traditional conservative values against what it considers an assault of genderless and fruitless so-called tolerance” (Ragozin 2013). Russia is thus making an effort to lead by example in disapproving of non-traditional sexual orientations, and offering an alternative to Western liberalism. One of the most visible components of this 'traditional values' alternative, is a collection of implicit anti-LGBT laws imposed in Russia since 2013, which some scholars have labelled as a form of non-Western soft power. This thesis builds on that literature and assesses to what extent Russia has been successful in using its anti-LGBT Traditional Values discourse and policies as a foreign policy tool.Show less
This thesis examines the evolution of the constructs of gender and sexuality in precolonial, colonial, and independent Zimbabwe and Botswana, with focus on the Shona, Ndebele, and Tswana during the...Show moreThis thesis examines the evolution of the constructs of gender and sexuality in precolonial, colonial, and independent Zimbabwe and Botswana, with focus on the Shona, Ndebele, and Tswana during the (pre)colonial era, and the BDP (Botswana Democratic Party) and ZANU(PF) (Zimbabwe African National Union - Patriotic Front) in the late colonial and postcolonial period, to identify what particularities in Botswana’s and Zimbabwe’s historical trajectories explain the divergence between the stance of BDP and ZANU(PF) leadership on the decriminalization of same-sex relations (SSR). The Shona, Ndebele, and Tswana started with a similar outlook on SSR, and in both countries, the British colonial administration imposed penal codes that criminalize(d) SSR. Yet, while BDP leadership grew gradually more supportive of the eventual decriminalization of SSR in 2019, ZANU(PF) leadership has strongly opposed to repealing the colonial-era penal codes. The different (de)colonization process and degree of colonial domination in each country appear to have the strongest explanatory power for these diverging outcomes. Many scholars have linked homophobia to masculinity and patriarchy. At the same time, colonial rule is widely believed to have undermined African masculinities and destabilized existing gender roles, and scholars have argued that misogyny, hyper-masculinity, and homophobia in African nationalist movements can be seen as a reaction to feelings of emasculation among African men. Colonial rule was significantly less invasive in Botswana, and the transition to independence mostly peaceful. Resultantly, there was no strong feeling of colonial domination among Botswanans, and anti-(neo)colonial rhetoric had little value as a source of political support. Thus, homosexuality never became conflated with (neo)colonialism in BDP nationalism, because it never centered on anti-(neo)colonialism to begin with. In contrast, Zimbabwe’s invasive colonial experience and arduous independence struggle created a strong sense of colonial domination among male independence leaders, who experienced it as ‘emasculation,’ and used misogyny and homophobia in attempt to restore a position of patriarchal power. At the same time, the rejection of homosexuality became a way to challenge colonial narratives about African sexuality and masculinity that were used to justify their abasement. Resultantly, the conflation of emasculation and homosexuality with colonial subjugation featured prominently in ZANU(PF)’s anti-colonial nationalism. The influence of Fanonesque and Marxist-Leninist thought further deepened homophobic sentiments in ZANU(PF) nationalism, while these schools of thought were absent from BDP nationalism. There is also scholarly consensus that European missionaries played an active role in codifying homosexuality as ‘immoral’ in Africa, and scholars argue that as Christianity became heavily politicized in the region, so did homosexuality. In that sense, homophobia, much like Christianity, is a political tool in contemporary Africa. Limited imposition of colonial rule and Tswana-controlled integration of Christianity may have further limited the inculcation of European (missionary) notions of sexuality and immorality in BDP nationalism. Moreover, unlike BDP nationalism, ZANU(PF) nationalism was organized around anti-colonialism, and this social glue lost its power once independence was achieved. This necessitated the creation of a new common enemy, while socioeconomic underperformance and declining public support incentivized the creation of a scapegoat to deflect criticism. Political homophobia became part of the creation of this new common enemy and scapegoat, and gained its legitimacy from Zimbabwe’s (de)colonization experience. With steady economic development and widespread public support after independence, there was less of an incentive for the BDP to use sexual minorities as a scapegoat.Show less
Exploring the salience of LGBT-norms in Japan through analyzing the cultural match, political rhetoric, domestic interests, domestic institutions and socializing forces surrounding those norms.
Transseksüellik Türkiye’de hassas bir konu. Türkiye’de Bülent Ersoy gibi transseksüel olduĝu bilinen bazı sanatçılar var. Öte yandan cinsellik konusunda katı görüşler korunmakta. Mevcut İslam...Show moreTransseksüellik Türkiye’de hassas bir konu. Türkiye’de Bülent Ersoy gibi transseksüel olduĝu bilinen bazı sanatçılar var. Öte yandan cinsellik konusunda katı görüşler korunmakta. Mevcut İslam odaklı AKP geleneksel cinsiyet rollerini ve genel ahlakı ilk sıraya koyuyor. Bu transseksüellerin günlük yaşamda sıklıkla ayrımcılıkla karşılaştıĝı anlamına gelir. Günümüz Turkiyesinde, bu gurubun iş veya devlet kurumlarında düzenli bir iş bulması zor olduĝundan sonuç olarak seks işçiliĝi yapma mecburiyetinde. Mevcut literatüre dayanarak genel olarak cinsellik hakkinda cok yazıldıĝı tespit edilebilir. Türk medyasının transseksüeller hakkında nasıl yazdıĝı konusunda henüz bir araştırma yapılmaması dikkat çekicidir. Bu amaç doĝrultusunda bu çalışmada 1 ocak 2008 ve 1 ocak 2020 tarihleri arasında Cumhuriyet, Milliyet ve Yeni Şafak gazetelerinin internet sitelerinde yapılan taramada 74 habere ulasılmış ve bu haberler üzerinden analiz yapılmıstır. Anahtar kelimeler: Transseksüel, Transfobi, Nefret suçları, Eşcinsel, Travesti LGBT, Muhafazakar.Show less
This thesis analyses the spread of so-called "partnership systems" among Japanese local governments. Its main aim is to prove that this spread can be attributed to the workings of policy diffusion....Show moreThis thesis analyses the spread of so-called "partnership systems" among Japanese local governments. Its main aim is to prove that this spread can be attributed to the workings of policy diffusion. Through a qualitative analysis of primary sources, such as municipal assembly minutes, the thesis establishes that the spread of this policy is indeed largely the result of an interdependence between local governments' policy choices. It explains this interdependence through a combination of the analytical frameworks of rational choice institutionalism and normative institutionalism. Both competition for status as well as the ability to learn from preceding governments' policies are found to have played a role. While the thesis does not find compelling evidence for the supposed role of regional proximity, its findings do suggest that core cities are more likely to be influenced by other core cities, and that designated cities are more likely to be influenced by other designated cities.Show less
In 2012-13, the French government’s decision to legalize same-sex marriage inspired mass protests in several cities for more than a year. This was surprising, as several other West-European states...Show moreIn 2012-13, the French government’s decision to legalize same-sex marriage inspired mass protests in several cities for more than a year. This was surprising, as several other West-European states had previously introduced similar bills without much controversy. These countries all had shown a clear pattern of rapidly declining prejudice against sexual minorities during the last decades. Some scholars have suggested, however, that in France this newly found acceptance of LGB individuals has not generalized to same-sex parenting, as the model of the heterosexual family remains one of the essential components of the dominant French national ideology and its quest for “abstract universalism”. In this thesis, I compared attitudes towards homosexuality and gay parenting in France and Europe. Analyzing datasets from the European Social Survey, I found evidence that French attitudes towards homosexuality are largely identical to those of other Western Europeans. However, French views on gay parenting turned out to be much more polarized than in other countries where gay marriage had been legalized. This may partly explain why such large protests against gay marriage had arisen in France in 2012-13, but not elsewhere in Europe where similar policies have been enacted.Show less
Over the past few years transgender rights have become increasingly mainstream, and issues affecting transgender people have frequently made headlines. When considering these issues, transgender is...Show moreOver the past few years transgender rights have become increasingly mainstream, and issues affecting transgender people have frequently made headlines. When considering these issues, transgender is often placed within the greater scope of LGBT rights. However, only fairly recently has the LGB community embraced the T. This research will look at the history of transgender activism, and how the sectional nature of homosexual men and lesbian women excluded the intersectionality of transgender people. This thesis will consider the relationship between these factions in activism, in medical terms and in social terms. It will further come to show that the history of transgender activism is a struggle that is still alive today.Show less
La presente tesina investiga el llamado activismo lésbico, gay, bisexual y transgénero (LGBT) en Argentina en el período 1990-2017, con énfasis en las evoluciones en el ámbito político que han...Show moreLa presente tesina investiga el llamado activismo lésbico, gay, bisexual y transgénero (LGBT) en Argentina en el período 1990-2017, con énfasis en las evoluciones en el ámbito político que han influenciado los derechos de este colectivo y qué influencia tiene el activismo en la aceptación social de los LGBT en Argentina.Show less
Many Brazilian LGBT teens struggle as LGBT-phobic violence and discrimination is still common, which casts them to a marginal position in society. In the last few years LGBT adolescents have found...Show moreMany Brazilian LGBT teens struggle as LGBT-phobic violence and discrimination is still common, which casts them to a marginal position in society. In the last few years LGBT adolescents have found in YouTube a platform on which they can establish a virtual community and provide help such as sharing advice on how to overcome LGBT-phobia. The first chapter will provide an overview on the current stance of academia on the topic of how YouTube enables participatory culture and community building, with a special focus on the LGBT community. The second chapter will provide more background information on the problem of LGBT-phobia in Brazil. The third chapter analyzes four videos uploaded by Brazilian LGBT-themed channels and pays special attention on how the community is portrayed, and what kind of messages the YouTubers share. As bonds have been established among the virtual community, the YouTubers can spread encouraging messages that seek to empower the viewers to strive for more equality and acceptance in society.Show less