The purpose of this study is to gain insights on how the causes of the EU-Belarus border crisis are framed by Belarusian state-controlled media by answering the research question: in what ways do...Show moreThe purpose of this study is to gain insights on how the causes of the EU-Belarus border crisis are framed by Belarusian state-controlled media by answering the research question: in what ways do Belarusian state-controlled media use framing tactics in their reporting to explain the EU-Belarus border crisis? This research employs qualitative thematic analysis on 32 selected articles from two major Belarusian news outlets to explain how the frames are constructed and what framing techniques are used. This research found that four major meta-narratives can be distinguished, that are supported by several frames: the EU has caused the crisis itself; the EU, Poland and the Baltic states have something to gain, the West has caused the crisis due to involvement in the Middle East; and the US and NATO want war in the region as to weaken Russia. Four additional frames support these meta-narratives: violence; human rights; nazi’s in the military; and Belarus as a victim. This research found that the Belarusian statecontrolled media construct narratives that support meta-narratives through which the conflict can be seen and understood. Reasoning devices in combination with the framing tactics of one-sided reporting, omittance of information and disinformation are used in constructing these frames and narratives.Show less
The collapse of the Soviet Union has been explained as the result of political, economic and military factors. The social underpinnings of the collapse have drawn less interest. ''Is It Easy To Be...Show moreThe collapse of the Soviet Union has been explained as the result of political, economic and military factors. The social underpinnings of the collapse have drawn less interest. ''Is It Easy To Be Young?'', the 1987 documentary from Soviet Latvia, reveals political disillusionment among the youth. The film includes interviews with those members of society which have previously not been represented in state-controlled culture, for example, members of the punk movement and war veterans who feel alienated by society. Political opening in the framework of perestroika and glasnost allowed the documentary to come to light. I chose the following question to guide my work: ''How did the portrayal of youth discontent and political disillusionment in the 1987 Latvian documentary ''Is It Easy To Be Young?'' contribute to the declining legitimacy of the Soviet system?'' I argue that the release of this film worked against the authorities since it depicted some of the core issues in the USSR in the 1980s. These were persecution of those who opposed the dominant way of life, political disillusionment caused by stagnation and the use of rigid ideological notions by the Communist Party, as well as the social costs of involvement in Afghanistan. ''Is It Easy To Be Young?'' gained recognition abroad, where it was received as an exposé of the Soviet system, which further contributed to the decline in legitimacy the film caused for the authorities of the USSR.Show less
Since the end of the Second World War the discussion on the defensibility of democracies has become gradually more prevalent. This thesis sought to answer the question; To what extent are parties...Show moreSince the end of the Second World War the discussion on the defensibility of democracies has become gradually more prevalent. This thesis sought to answer the question; To what extent are parties in Europe banned on basis of the concept of a militant democracy? First, the concept “militant democracy” was defined. This was done by analysing the aim, definition, measures and enemies of a militant democracy as outlined by five renowned academics in the field. Namely, Loewenstein (1937), Sajó (2004), Giovanni (2005), Thiel (2009) and Müller (2016/2018). Secondly, party ban cases in Germany, The Czech Republic, Latvia, The Netherlands and Spain were considered. First it was considered whether there were laws in place that aimed at protecting the democracy by targeting enemies of a militant democracy. Secondly, jurisprudence was analysed to see whether these laws were applied with the aim of protecting the democracy and targeting enemies of a militant democracy. If both were found to be the case; a party ban could be considered an act of a militant democracy. Thirdly, the political discourse around the party proscription was scrutinized to gather more information about the reasons for the ban. This was done by reviewing newspaper articles. The German and Czech cases were found to be examples of a militant democracy. Latvia indirectly acted as a militant democracy. The Dutch and Spanish cases were no examples of militant democracy. The political reasons for the party ban fell in line with the judicial reasons. In case of the Dutch and Spanish party ban, the government had additional motives for banning the party concerning the country’s future.Show less
When analyzing anti-trafficking, one has to consider the latency of the crime and the effect of it on a given system. Often, the numbers that are collected can never be representable of the whole...Show moreWhen analyzing anti-trafficking, one has to consider the latency of the crime and the effect of it on a given system. Often, the numbers that are collected can never be representable of the whole situation of trafficking in the EU and elsewhere. Human trafficking is a crime that is very difficult to see and police due to the nature of the lack of information associated with it. Prevention of THB is of key importance due to the fact that mostly, all different key actors in anti-trafficking policy deal with the repercussions of the crime. Similarly, further difficulty arises from the fact that human trafficking cases often involve different countries, jurisdictions and definitions of the crime.Show less
In this thesis I have conceptualized what is often called hybrid warfare as a deniable intervention: a military intervention by a state using covert forces as well as local insurgents, which have...Show moreIn this thesis I have conceptualized what is often called hybrid warfare as a deniable intervention: a military intervention by a state using covert forces as well as local insurgents, which have been catechized through pro-Kremlin media, to destabilize an adversary state and allow the intervening state deniability of involvement. The goal of this thesis was to determine if such a deniable intervention could be replicated by Russia in other states and therefore constitutes a regional threat. Four conditions were identified as having an influence on the efficaciousness of a deniable intervention. Consequently an empirical analysis was made to ascertain the extent to which these conditions are present in four cases: Belarus, Estonia, Latvia and Kazakhstan.Show less
This thesis aims to explain diverging democratic transitions in two Post-Communist states. The degree and manner of party system institutionalization and party regulation is presuppossed to have a...Show moreThis thesis aims to explain diverging democratic transitions in two Post-Communist states. The degree and manner of party system institutionalization and party regulation is presuppossed to have a major impact on both democratization as the way party democracy is functioning. The study uses a time-series method of analysis to identify changes in party system regulation and links these changes to the stability of a party system such as electoral volatility and party strength. By doing so, this thesis delivers a valuable insight in the pivotal role party system institutionalization plays in democratization and the stabilization of young party systems.Show less
Despite the extensive literature on the democratisation in the post-Soviet region, little effort has been dedicated to the issue of historical institutional legacies. Many designs stress national...Show moreDespite the extensive literature on the democratisation in the post-Soviet region, little effort has been dedicated to the issue of historical institutional legacies. Many designs stress national-level variation in performance and therefore cannot easily explain the differences among the countries emerging from the former Soviet Union. This paper uses process-tracing in a case study of the Baltic States of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania to test the variable of institutional legacies as a possible causal mechanism that aids the transition from authoritarian rule to consolidation of democracy. The analysis aims to contribute to the post-communist democratisation literature by extending the scope to new, unexplored cases and by stressing the importance of pre-communist historical legacy factor for modern institutional design. The analysis finds that the restoration of democratic institutions has pushed the character of the states toward consolidated democracies. Lasting effective governance, with the possible exception of citizenship laws, has in due course been achieved as the character of democratic values has survived Soviet homogenising polices. The conclusion proposes an analysis to measure significant variation between cases with regard to strength of legacy and strength of democratic consolidation in the post-Soviet region and predicts a correlation between these variables.Show less
This thesis examines the relationship between language and political participation in the study of minority representation in Estonia and Latvia. The differences between the levels of mobilisation...Show moreThis thesis examines the relationship between language and political participation in the study of minority representation in Estonia and Latvia. The differences between the levels of mobilisation of ethnic Russians in Estonia and Latvia present a puzzle that has yet to be explained. Language is a factor that has traditionally been ignored by scholars of political participation. However, this thesis argues that it is key to understanding different patterns of minority representation in Estonia and Latvia. This thesis argues that the higher level of titular language proficiency among Russian minorities in Latvia has given them a distinct advantage over Russian minorities in Estonia. This is because government legislation affords the titular languages an elevated status in both countries. No such concessions are made for minority languages such as Russian. Firstly, this thesis explains why the Russian minorities in the two countries have different levels of titular language proficiency. Secondly, it reveals why language proficiency is a necessity for those who wish to participate in parliamentary politics. It uses a wide range of government legislation including citizenship laws, constitutions and language laws to demonstrate that linguistic proficiency is not only required for citizenship, but also for participation in parliamentary politics. This thesis ultimately reveals that the introduction of just one official language in two countries with such large minority groups has served to automatically disadvantage a significant proportion of the population from participating in politics and that differences between the two counties are likely to remain for some time unless Russian is introduced as a second official language.Show less
