The concepts of Class and leadership have been lately neglected in the study of Social Movements. This thesis surveys the theoretical reasons to bring these two back to analyze the Lebanese October...Show moreThe concepts of Class and leadership have been lately neglected in the study of Social Movements. This thesis surveys the theoretical reasons to bring these two back to analyze the Lebanese October Revolution of 2019 (LOR). Using semi-structured interviews with relevant activists of the movement, this thesis concludes that LOR's leadership is better understood as a collective, horizontal action composed by individuals with very high cultural and social capitals but more heterogeneous economic capital.Show less
Research master thesis | Middle Eastern Studies (research) (MA)
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The colonial partition of the Middle East is one of the most recurrent topics of the scholarship on the region. In the last decade, many scholars have shifted their attention from the diplomatic...Show moreThe colonial partition of the Middle East is one of the most recurrent topics of the scholarship on the region. In the last decade, many scholars have shifted their attention from the diplomatic and military history of these borders to their economic and social significance. This thesis aims at completing this shift in regard to the boundary between the British Mandate on Palestine and the French Mandate on Syria and Lebanon. Assuming a borderland perspective, this research looks into the different ways in which local, regional and colonial actors engaged with the border and its administration. It reconstructs the evolution of state border practices on both sides in the years from the British redeployment along the OET line in 1919 until the demise of the Palestine Mandate in 1948. Looking into the agency of a wide range of actors, including peasants, travelers, smugglers and illegal migrants, this thesis argues that the relation the indigenous population had with the border cannot be understood solely through an oppositional frame. Rather, it suggests that this relation was extremely dynamic, and that the subversion of the new territorial order went along with forms of compliance with state regulations and exploitation of the limits of state jurisdictions.Show less
Because contemporary network science is predicated on the assumption that similarity breeds connection, it transforms what seems to be an open web into poorly gated communities that propagate...Show moreBecause contemporary network science is predicated on the assumption that similarity breeds connection, it transforms what seems to be an open web into poorly gated communities that propagate already-existing forms of prejudice and discrimination. If the algorithmic fabric of social media platforms pushes people with the same views and interests towards each other, what does this mean for queer individuals in Beirut inhabiting a city whose very urban fabric segregates and limits their interaction in public space? What possibilities can the digital realm provide queer lives in a cyberspace unhinged by the geography of residence and the materiality of the body? I attempt to answer those research questions by relying on Sara Ahmed’s Queer phenomenology (2006) and on Wendy Hui Kyong Chun’s (2016) concept of “homophily”. Those theoretical lenses will guide my use of auto-ethnography and close visual analysis to explore the outputs and social media strategies of two case studies of visual activism in Lebanon: Beirut By Dyke and Kikafilmadina. My personal experience as a member of civil society groups in Beirut and my positionality as the creator of Beirut By Dyke orient me, to borrow Sara Ahmed’s term, towards these pages as cultural objects. The concept of the social media accounts, which revolves around the narrativization of queer inhabitance in space, propels me toward Sara Ahmed’s theory around sexuality as residence. Conversely, the social impact generated by both social media accounts on collective imaginations and social participation in cyber and physical space leads to me to question how “homophily” (Chun 2016) can be used to challenge the neoliberal assumptions it was built on. My aim is to counter existing literature around gender and digital culture whose understandable focus on the capitalistic and behaviorally predictive valence of social platforms is grim and dystopic (Goldberg 2016). Instead, I suggest that the study of platforms like Instagram offers a resource for queer studies insofar as it “emphasizes the importance of lived experience, the intentionality of consciousness, the significance of newness, or the role of repeated habitual action in shaping bodies and the world” (Ahmed 57). It is specifically the power of repeated habitual actions that I want to focus on in exploring digital possibilities. In a context where systemic oppression is difficult to dismantle and social change impossible to imagine, the creation of new paths is, after all, a labor of repetition.Show less
This thesis aims to address the following research question: How does the local context relate to the impact of humanitarian aid in terms of legitimacy and effectiveness? The main conclusion is...Show moreThis thesis aims to address the following research question: How does the local context relate to the impact of humanitarian aid in terms of legitimacy and effectiveness? The main conclusion is that local contexts can greatly influence how humanitarian aid is perceived by local populations.Show less
This thesis will bring to light the Maronite Christian argument that, in its waning days, the Ottoman Empire conducted a well-planned genocidal policy vis-à-vis the Christian subjects of its...Show moreThis thesis will bring to light the Maronite Christian argument that, in its waning days, the Ottoman Empire conducted a well-planned genocidal policy vis-à-vis the Christian subjects of its Eastern Mediterranean provinces, and expressly suppressed or silenced the history of this policy. In particular, this thesis will focus on the Maronite Christians of the Ottoman Province (Sanjak) of Mount-Lebanon, and the crimes perpetrated against them, as part and parcel of the better known Ottoman policies against the Armenians, the Assyrians, and the Pontus Greeks during the Great War period. This thesis will stress the importance of studying and remembering history, including the minorities’ perspective and experience of it, admitting it into “official” histories, and explaining how official histories may have consequences in unresolved and recurring issues of memory and identity in modern Lebanon. This thesis will bring to bear recent scholarship and recently released archival sources relative to Ottoman Lebanon, in order to help illuminate a time period that is still shrouded in obscurity. I rely on numerous primary and secondary sources such as memoirs, biographies, histories, historiographies, and lyrical accounts. These sources are varied in perspective as some are written by Eastern Christians themselves, other Ottoman subjects, and both local and foreign bystanders privy to the events on Mount-Lebanon between 1914 and 1918. This thesis will be organized into three chapters, which will attempt to shed light on the historiographical debate, the Christian memories of the Great Famine of Mount-Lebanon, the Christian perspective of an Ottoman genocidal policy vis-à-vis Mount-Lebanon; attempt to explain the reason for the silenced history, and the consequences faced today, in a modern (Greater) Lebanon that is in many ways the outcome of the events of 1914-1918.Show less
Recently, scholarly debate on peacebuilding and reconciliation is making a “local-turn”, pointing towards local actors, such as civil society organizations, to achieve inclusive and locally...Show moreRecently, scholarly debate on peacebuilding and reconciliation is making a “local-turn”, pointing towards local actors, such as civil society organizations, to achieve inclusive and locally grounded peace and reconciliation. Despite this interest, little studies have examined if, and how, these local actors make a contribution to these goals. Such a case is Lebanon, characterized by protracted, sectarian conflict, but where a group of CSOs is active within this contentious nexus between conflict and peace. How does the work of these CSOs fit in the paradigm of reconciliation? Can they contribute to reconciliation in Lebanon? Following these questions, this research suggests that these CSOs can be understood through the framework of political reconciliation of Schaap (2005). Furthermore, they exhibit various functions to a reconciliation process: They advocate new narratives on identity, conflict and history, and the rights of victims. It arises that participatory and grassroot approaches are most conducive to successes of the CSOs. At the same time, the strategy and goals of the CSOs are negotiated by constraining factors. In what I call a ‘negotiated reconciliation process’ sectarian and corrupt structures on the one hand, and resource-based problems and international donor wishes on the other, mitigate the level of success of the CSOs.Show less
