Research master thesis | Middle Eastern Studies (research) (MA)
open access
The present thesis investigates the relationship between Italian and Lebanese left during the years between 1967 and 1975, uncovering the development of a special relationship between the Italian...Show moreThe present thesis investigates the relationship between Italian and Lebanese left during the years between 1967 and 1975, uncovering the development of a special relationship between the Italian Communist Party (PCI) and the Lebanese Communist Party (LCP). This was a transformative period for both countries' leftist groups, following the 1967 June War and the 1968 global protests. This was reflected in the Italian approach towards the Middle East and the Palestinian cause, as public opinion and the Italian Socialist Party (PSI) moved from a pro-Israel position to support the Palestinian struggle. I argue that this shift was influenced by the close relationship between the PCI and the LCP, which evolved from preferential contact to a special relationship. The LCP was the PCI’s preferred interlocutor in the region, and as the 1975 Civil War approached the PCI began supporting the Lebanese comrades with first humanitarian and then financial aid. This close relationship in turn provided the PCI with information on regional politics and direct access to the Palestinian groups. By the early 1980s, the Italian position completed the shift in favour of Palestine, and both the PCI and PSI abandoned their traditional pacifism to support an Italian military intervention in Lebanon to stop the Israeli invasion in 1982. I investigate this shift mainly through PCI and PSI archives, which show the increasing contact with Lebanese groups and the growing involvement in the country. Looking at the evolving relationship between the Italian and Lebanese Left, this thesis highlights the transnational nature of the leftist movement and connects Italian and Lebanese local politics to the global context of the Cold War and the Long-Sixties.Show less
When becoming a political party during the 1992 elections, Hizbullah decided to shelve their revolutionary ideals of the establishment of an Islamic state in Lebanon in favour of accommodation with...Show moreWhen becoming a political party during the 1992 elections, Hizbullah decided to shelve their revolutionary ideals of the establishment of an Islamic state in Lebanon in favour of accommodation with the current political system. This thesis examines how they communicated this change in position firstly to the wider multisectarian public and secondly to their hardcore followers.Show less
“In a region beset with chronic and widespread problems, ranging from poor governance, war, violent extremism, and resource scarcity, one threat stands above the rest in terms of potential for...Show more“In a region beset with chronic and widespread problems, ranging from poor governance, war, violent extremism, and resource scarcity, one threat stands above the rest in terms of potential for destruction and cost in opportunity: the use of sectarianism as a geopolitical weapon. Sectarianism encourages extremist rhetoric and violence and serves to distract a populations from economic and social concerns by providing a convenient enemy on which to focus.” This quote by the Soufan group, a strategic security consulting group, displays an opinion that is shared by mainstream media across the globe. The Middle East has apparently fallen into a state of religious extremism where violent sectarianism is every day’s business. Current day Syria seems to be the focal point of all this sectarian violence. This paper tries to analyse what exactly that sectarian violence entails in the SYrian Civil War, and whether we should indeed look at it as a sectarian conflict, or rather a conflict with sectarian aspects.Show less
This thesis examines the influence of Hezbollah on the peacekeeping mission of the United Nations Interim Forces in Lebanon. It mentions the problems that arise when violent non-state actors have a...Show moreThis thesis examines the influence of Hezbollah on the peacekeeping mission of the United Nations Interim Forces in Lebanon. It mentions the problems that arise when violent non-state actors have a armed and political wing, as is the case for Hezbollah. This poses legal issues for UNIFIL as well as challenges the practicing of its mandate. It does not matter how robust UNIFIL had become since its establishment in 1978, it experienced difficulty in controlling the armed wing of Hezbollah (or any other group) in Lebanon. I will argue that working together as a peacekeeping mission with a violent non-state actor is only possible if and when an armed non-state actor disarms itself, and involves itself in the political process as a legitimate political party.Show less
