This thesis provides a fresh perspective on the Brazilian military coup of 1964, the Castelo Branco regime, and the role of legitimacy during this early phase of military rule.
This research seeks to elucidate the unique position of Burkina Faso in West Africa, focusing on its ethnic, religious, and national narratives as pivotal in shaping the aspirations of the jihadist...Show moreThis research seeks to elucidate the unique position of Burkina Faso in West Africa, focusing on its ethnic, religious, and national narratives as pivotal in shaping the aspirations of the jihadist group, JNIM. The study investigates JNIM's efforts to attain legitimacy in Burkina Faso, exploring both its long-term strategy and its potential divergent ambition of purely military and economic control. Central to this investigation is a comparative analysis of three forms of legitimacy in Burkina Faso: local pre-established, the state, and JNIM. The research employs David Beetham's (1991) threefold model of legitimacy, introducing a novel methodological approach to studying jihadist insurgencies in West Africa.Show less
This paper examines the challenges to the effectiveness and legitimacy of RIECs. Document analysis and a semi-structured interview were conducted using developed indicators for effectiveness and...Show moreThis paper examines the challenges to the effectiveness and legitimacy of RIECs. Document analysis and a semi-structured interview were conducted using developed indicators for effectiveness and legitimacy. The findings reveal the complex and multifaceted nature of the challenges that the RIECs face. For effectiveness, structural challenges include the lack of clarity and indifference to RIECs’responsibilities, involving municipalities, insufficient capacity, and short-term employment. Policy challenges involve objective coordination issues, the absence of a uniform approach in creating undermining images, deficient information sharing and merging procedures, lengthy lead times, and ill-structured financial support. Cultural challenges include a lack and divergence of administrative awareness and understanding of the risk related to undermining crime and a divergence and hesitance of participating in the integrated approach. Technical challenges involve an outdated and non-user-friendly RIEC-IS system and insufficient automation for connecting relevant information. Relational challenges arise from hierarchical relationships and low trust among partners. For legitimacy, only social legitimacy is examined. The challenge here revolves around aligning the joint and individual efforts in RIECs’ accountability approach. Other challenges include determining the focus of accountability during stressful periods and the need for dynamic accountability in RIECs’ operations. In conclusion, by categorizing the challenges to effectiveness into multiple layers, this study contributes to a better understanding of the areas that need future improvements, which is fruitful for policymakers. Furthermore, addressing social legitimacy contributes to a better understanding of accountability within networked governance, which is beneficial for future improvement of the accountability approach within networks, including the RIECs.Show less
The main idea behind this thesis is to explore how exactly legitimacy has influenced Chile’s instability, and how this lack of legitimacy has led to protests and crises. The central question to...Show moreThe main idea behind this thesis is to explore how exactly legitimacy has influenced Chile’s instability, and how this lack of legitimacy has led to protests and crises. The central question to this thesis is as follows: “What is the role of legitimacy in the social uprising in Chile in October 2019?”. The question is answered by analyzing relevant topics such as legitimacy, governability, the transformation of a military dictatorship to democracy, challenges of a democracy, the concertación and social movements. Resulting in the following conclusion: legitimacy played a big role in the social uprising in Chile. As was found for this thesis, Chile has faced many problems with neoliberalism, social movements, as well as with legitimacy. Legitimacy, therefore, is only one of the many factors leading up to the crisis in Chile. Chile will continue to draft a new constitution that will hopefully unite Chile once again.Show less
In August 2021, the Taliban took control over the Afghan government. Subsequently, the EU halted development aid to Afghanistan. This research seeks to explain what motivated this decision and how...Show moreIn August 2021, the Taliban took control over the Afghan government. Subsequently, the EU halted development aid to Afghanistan. This research seeks to explain what motivated this decision and how Afghanistan’s illegitimacy has influenced the EU’s decision. Two aid allocation models based on recipient merit and donor interests are used to explain this puzzle. Drawing on an in-depth qualitative content analysis, this research illustrates how both aid allocation models sufficiently explain the EU’s decision considering Afghanistan’s illegitimacy.Show less
Despite being one of the most protracted and ongoing territorial disputes, as a case of irredentism the Western Sahara conflict has only incidentally enjoyed international attention. The...Show moreDespite being one of the most protracted and ongoing territorial disputes, as a case of irredentism the Western Sahara conflict has only incidentally enjoyed international attention. The opportunity to step into the vacuum of international news coverage and information provision about this disputed territory, however, has recently been seized. The media platform of the state-sponsored ‘Council of the Moroccan Community living abroad’, as the name suggests, has targeted the Moroccan diaspora with online content about the Western Sahara in recent years. While studies of irredentism have focused on the importance of nationalism in arousing support for irredentism among the nation, the role of irredentism in the construction of national identity has received little attention. Through the empirical analysis of this media content, this paper unravels the argumentation behind the Moroccan state’s irredentist claims in its communication to the diaspora and demonstrates that they are rooted in a state-informed national identity construct, a construct to which the Western Sahara as irredentist project in turn plays a contributing role. On the basis of this construct, I point out that in addition to being of interest as potential support base for advancing the Moroccan state’s irredentist cause in the Western Sahara, it is likely that the Moroccan diaspora is also reached out to in this regard for the purpose of bolstering the idea of a monarch(y)-centred national identity.Show less
The economic and financial crisis, Brexit, mass migration, the claim to more sovereignty and the undermining of the fundamental values and the rule of law by some Member States (MS) has led to...Show moreThe economic and financial crisis, Brexit, mass migration, the claim to more sovereignty and the undermining of the fundamental values and the rule of law by some Member States (MS) has led to political unrest within the European Union (EU) in recent years. This has become reason for some political movements (the so-called Eurosceptics) in European countries to question the legitimacy of the EU and to push for more sovereignty for MS and even striving for an EU departure. The question arises whether MS in the EU are substantively questioning the legitimacy of the EU and whether this legitimacy issue is a well-founded topic of discussion in the political debate. This study examines that question by focussing on the case study of the Netherlands and highlights the political developments in the Netherlands regarding the legitimacy of the EU. Regarding the legitimacy of the EU, research was conducted over the period 2009 – 2022 also referred to as the post-Lisbon era. The party programs (2012, 2017 and 2021) of 6 political parties, the debates in the Dutch parliament and the coalition agreements (2012, 2017 and 2022) were studied on topics related to legitimacy of the EU. These categories include, compliance (transparency, compliance with agreements and financial controls), problem-solving capacity (the extent to which and which problems must be solved at European level) and justification (sovereignty and the subsidiarity principle). It is registered which subjects are mentioned and what the position is. The results have been analysed according to the mixed content method. It was concluded that that over time, the debate of legitimacy evolved, and political parties became more critical of the EU’s transparency and democratic legitimacy. At the same time, most parties remained pro-EU and realised that in the problem-solving category, this is with most larger problems only solvable at EU level. In conclusion, from an EU perspective, the developments in the Netherlands are surprisingly positive. Although Dutch politicians remain critical of the decision-making process and the lack of transparency, the believe that staying in the EU is the most positive for the Netherlands is still viable with the majority of the Dutch parliament. This is ultimately positive for the future of the EU.Show less
Cartels have undermined the Mexican government's legitimacy with corruption and excessive violence, while some violent acts committed by cartels breach the threshold of what constitutes a crime...Show moreCartels have undermined the Mexican government's legitimacy with corruption and excessive violence, while some violent acts committed by cartels breach the threshold of what constitutes a crime against humanity. Based on the given jurisdiction of the ICC on crimes against humanity, the effects of a potential ICC intervention in the Mexican conflict on the legitimacy of the present conflict actors are investigated. Changes in the dependent variable 'Legitimacy' based on the following five independent variables 'Conflict Narratives'; 'Individual Framing'; 'Warrant-Stigmatization'; 'Self-Referral'; 'Kingpin-Strategy' are highlighted. This paper conducted a single-country case study to gain in-depth insights into the conflict and to ensure that the generated results have high internal validity. Mixed findings do not give one conclusive answer whether an ICC intervention de- or increases the legitimacy of either conflict party. A Mexican self-referral shapes conflict narratives that represent state actors as good, while the prosecuted cartels are vilified, enabling the Mexican government to regain legitimacy. Another particular effect of an ICC intervention would be an increase in violence. Prosecuting high-ranking cartel members widens splits within cartels, opens power vacuums, and destabilizes the conflict, leading to more violence and ultimately undermining the state's legitimacy.Show less
The production of political legitimacy is an open-ended process that is created by the continuous reproduction and negotiations between the ruling regime and its citizens. This thesis aims to...Show moreThe production of political legitimacy is an open-ended process that is created by the continuous reproduction and negotiations between the ruling regime and its citizens. This thesis aims to answer the research question How has insecurity and the role of inefficient institutions affected the political legitimacy of Felipe Calderón's 2006-2012 presidential terms? The research paper first explores the parameters of political legitimacy and utilises the normative approach as a theoretical framework of political legitimacy in combination with Hansen's definition of political legitimacy as components to measure Felipe Calderón's regime legitimacy. Thereafter, the text analyses the utilization of electoral legitimacy and revolutionary legitimacy as a tool to maintain and re-assert power and legitimacy during the PRI era, Vincente Fox's administration and its continual use during Calderón's presidential term. Furthermore, the thesis also examines the effects of the three minor variables: criminal violence, media, and public perception on (in)security and (in)efficient institutions on three specific events: the 2006 Mexican presidential election; Felipe Calderón's war on drugs; and the opening event of the monument Coloso and have founded that the insecurity and the role of inefficient institutions have largely decreased the political legitimacy of Felipe Calderóns 2006-2012 presidential term. The paper concludes that Calderón's presidential term was deemed as intially legitimate by the public during electoral process. However, the increase in insecurity and the inefficiency within state institutions greatly decreased the regime's legitimacy by the end of Felipe Calderón's presidential term.Show less
Although jihadist organisations envisage a society segregated by roles between the sexes, they increasingly turn to women in pursuit of their goals. This is a double-edged sword for jihadist...Show moreAlthough jihadist organisations envisage a society segregated by roles between the sexes, they increasingly turn to women in pursuit of their goals. This is a double-edged sword for jihadist organisations: while female recruits increase the pool of followers, the discrepancy between their patriarchal ideology and women’s enlistment may have implications for their legitimacy. Whereas explanations have been offered as to how jihadists resort to patriarchal gender beliefs to legitimise their exclusion of women, questions remain regarding how jihadist groups use gender to legitimise their inclusion of women. Increased understanding of this gender component may yield insight into the organisational structure of jihadist organisations and their future direction regarding female recruits. Exploring the case of ISIS, this thesis analyses the extent to which the group adopted a gender perspective in legitimising its recruitment of women between 2015 and 2017. By conducting a critical discourse analysis, three gendered narratives are identified that ISIS employed in justifying its recruitment of women, depicting women as builders of the Ummah, as representatives of Islam and as guardians of the Caliphate. Rather than women challenging its patriarchal hegemony, the narratives illustrate how ISIS used this structure to create a set of gendered incentives and thereby attributed women (violent) agency.Show less
This study carried out a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) of 120 articles from American and international news outlets to uncover the framing of legitimacy of the Black Lives Matter (BLM) protests...Show moreThis study carried out a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) of 120 articles from American and international news outlets to uncover the framing of legitimacy of the Black Lives Matter (BLM) protests in 2020. Language mechanisms, such as the framing and sourcing of both BLM activists and law enforcement were considered, tallied and analysed from differing news outlets such as CNN, Fox News, New York Times, China Daily, NOS and BBC. It concludes that overall, all outlets are found to frame the BLM protests as illegitimate - as they are unacceptable according to the law. However, the degree to which they engage in this discourse differs substantially between each network and so with it, the manner in which these protests were framed as justifiable. The results from international media also provides interesting insight into how BLM is perceived from third parties and each network was found with their own biases and inclinations. This study preposes that to a large degree, news coverage regarding BLM both in the US and beyond proves significantly biased in relation to outlets’ own political stances and origins.Show less
Neighbourhood watches are not uncommon in the Netherlands. However, it is not common for them to take a proactive stance and detain and pursue suspects. The aim of this paper wasto discover the...Show moreNeighbourhood watches are not uncommon in the Netherlands. However, it is not common for them to take a proactive stance and detain and pursue suspects. The aim of this paper wasto discover the issues of legitimacy of proactive neighbourhood watches in the Netherlands. To do this a case-study of the well-known proactive neighbourhood watches in the Netherlands, Kootwijkerbroek and Neder-Betuwe, was conducted. First, the two networks were analysed using Whelan’s (2015) five levels of analysis. Second, the neighbourhoodwatches are tested along the lines of democratic, legal and social legitimacy. As a result, it became apparent that the proactive neighbourhood watches struggle on all fronts of legitimacy, except local social legitimacy.Show less
The evolution of security provision generated a shift from government to governance. As a consequence, security is increasingly being pursued by networks consisting of public as well as private...Show moreThe evolution of security provision generated a shift from government to governance. As a consequence, security is increasingly being pursued by networks consisting of public as well as private actors. With the aim of addressing wicked security problems, these actors try join their efforts by exchanging information, coordinate joint responses and in this way generate knowledge regarding the security issue. The Community Fathers ‘Al-Wasl’ are such a security network which aims to address complex security problems within the district Laak in The Hague. Since security networks encounter serious challenges in their efforts to solve these problems that affects the level of legitimacy and effectiveness. Through the evaluation of Community Fathers ‘Al-Wasl’ by qualitative research techniques, this thesis aims to find an answer to the question: “What are the challenges that affect the legitimacy and effectiveness of the Community Fathers ‘Al-Wasl’ in The Hague?”. This thesis argues that Community Fathers ‘Al-Wasl’ experiences great internal and social legitimacy but lacks external legitimacy. Furthermore, Al-Wasl is effective from a network-level and organizational-level perspective but lacks scientific evidence to prove the effectiveness on a community-level. However, this thesis argues that Al-Wasl is effective on a community-level since the social-societal contributions to the community being served can be regarded as priceless.Show less
The hierarchical vertical structures of security networks are increasingly making way for horizontal networked structures. One of these security networks is the Neighbourhood Watch group of...Show moreThe hierarchical vertical structures of security networks are increasingly making way for horizontal networked structures. One of these security networks is the Neighbourhood Watch group of Schipluiden, which strives for less crime and a better quality of life within their municipality. It is aimed at reducing crimes such as robberies, burglaries, violence, vandalism and destruction of property. Even though these initiatives gained quite some popularity in the Netherlands, they remain prone to several challenges. Therefore, this thesis examines what challenges are affecting the effectiveness and legitimacy of the Dutch Neighbourhood Watch group of Schipluiden. Through qualitative research methods, this thesis combined several criteria in order to evaluate the effectiveness and legitimacy of the Neighbourhood Watch group of Schipluiden at different levels of analysis. After using a combination of content analysis and expert interviews, this thesis concludes that the NHWS is a legitimate security network that is currently effective, yet prone to several challenges that could affect the effectiveness in the future.Show less
