De focus van dit onderzoek is gericht op de ontwikkeling van de verhouding tussen Bogdanov en de bolsjewistische beweging na 1909. Deze verhouding toonde hoofdzakelijk een vast patroon van continue...Show moreDe focus van dit onderzoek is gericht op de ontwikkeling van de verhouding tussen Bogdanov en de bolsjewistische beweging na 1909. Deze verhouding toonde hoofdzakelijk een vast patroon van continue spanning. De Oktoberrevolutie van 1917 was het belangrijkste moment in deze verhouding, doordat deze gebeurtenis leidde tot een verdere opbouw van spanning. Verder is in dit onderzoek aangetoond dat het buitenspel zetten van Bogdanov uit de politieke arena van grote impact is geweest op de ontwikkeling van de bestuurscultuur van de bolsjewistische beweging. Bogdanovs ideeën bleven in de jaren 1920 van invloed op meerdere Sovjetpolitici, maar werden hierna van minder belang door toenemende censuur.Show less
Considering Ecuador’s colonial legacy regarding its marginalized indigenous, this research is aimed at finding out the following: why are the indigenous people still marginalized today even during...Show moreConsidering Ecuador’s colonial legacy regarding its marginalized indigenous, this research is aimed at finding out the following: why are the indigenous people still marginalized today even during a pandemic? How can the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) be seen as a part of postcolonialism in countries like Ecuador? By demonstrating how they and which articles have been violated in four time periods – the 1990s and 2000s uprisings, Rafael Correa’s regime, Lenin Moreno’s regime, and the pandemic- I also aim at finding out why they have been violated. In addition, this research has looked at one important colonial legacy of Ecuador: racism and discrimination. This has been further elaborated in the research, where the notion of mestizaje, class and racial discrimination has been further unpacked from a postcolonial perspective. Furthermore, the research argues that the UDHR, though ambitious, is not adequate enough to protect the rights of the indigenous communities. This is because the UDHR is not legally binding. However, the UDHR has also been unpacked from the postcolonial perspective: if global governance, can be seen as troublesome due to the imperial undertone it could potentially have. Lastly, the events that are being mentioned in the time periods serve as evidence that back up these claims.Show less
This analysis centres around a collection of essays that time almost forgot. Vekhi (Landmarks) was written in 1909 in opposition to mainstream Marxist ideas adopted by the Bolsheviks. I argue that...Show moreThis analysis centres around a collection of essays that time almost forgot. Vekhi (Landmarks) was written in 1909 in opposition to mainstream Marxist ideas adopted by the Bolsheviks. I argue that the authors made a series of extremely profound predictions about the inevitable transformation of atheist Marxist ideology into a quasi-religion based upon the deification of its political leaders. In short, I will argue that after they seized power, the ideology of the Bolshevik Party shifted quickly from materialist to idealist. I further argue that the Vekhi authors not only predict but explain this shift using philosophical arguments reminiscent of arguments used by contemporary scholars of religious studies.Show less