This thesis defends the claim that if one recognizes government authority as legitimate based on consent theory, one is committed to recognizing unilateral secession as a primary right. Following...Show moreThis thesis defends the claim that if one recognizes government authority as legitimate based on consent theory, one is committed to recognizing unilateral secession as a primary right. Following from this, it is argued that when western liberal democracies deny this right, they are inconsistent in applying the principles to which they have committed themselves.Show less
This study aims to show why Africa, specifically the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in this case study, seems to lack agency regarding the control of their internal security...Show moreThis study aims to show why Africa, specifically the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in this case study, seems to lack agency regarding the control of their internal security issues. The Malian conflict, which started in 2012, saw the activation of the African-led International Support Mission to Mali (AFISMA) as well as a French military intervention called Operation Serval. However, in July 2013 AFISMA was superseded by a UN-led military operation while the French mission remained functional. This case study reflects the issue regarding the lack of African agency. By using an analytical framework of power in international politics, this study seeks to understand this dynamic as it pertains to the case study. The findings show that France, via a Realist understanding, is the primary power in the conflict out to seek its own security. Simultaneously, African agency is not realisable due to the inherent inferiority of African institutions compared to the UN and France.Show less
PVV leader Geert Wilders is seen as one of the most remarkable and provocative Dutch politicians of the past 20 years. This is partly a consequence of the Islamophobic discourse that he uses in...Show morePVV leader Geert Wilders is seen as one of the most remarkable and provocative Dutch politicians of the past 20 years. This is partly a consequence of the Islamophobic discourse that he uses in order to argue that Islam, Muslims, and immigration pose a threat to the liberal Dutch and Western society. People have often argued that this Islamophobic discourse is discriminative and racist and is for that reason in conflict with the ideology of liberalism. However, Wilders and his supporters argue that the contrary is true and that he is actually protecting the Western liberal society from the dangerous illiberal Islam. Moreover, it has often been argued that liberalism is in fact a paradoxical ideology that historically has distinguished people on the basis of race, class, and gender. For that reason, Wilders seems to position himself well within the ideology of liberalism. By the means of a discourse analysis, this study attempts to demonstrate that Wilders’ Islamophobic discourse is in fact very much in line with the liberal ideology despite its racist and discriminative content.Show less
Since the beginning of the 1980s, much debate in the jurisprudential literature on freedom of speech has been about the (alleged) right to produce and publish pornography. Law professor and...Show moreSince the beginning of the 1980s, much debate in the jurisprudential literature on freedom of speech has been about the (alleged) right to produce and publish pornography. Law professor and feminist Catherine A. MacKinnon produced an interesting argument to justify censorship: pornography itself silences women (and we are allowed to silence silencing speech). This thesis seeks to investigate this normative defence of the 'silencing of the silencing', particular in the form promulgated by Rae Langton from the 1990s on. It argues that Langton and other feminists are right to conclude that free speech implies more than a mere 'right to locution' -- there must also be a right to be heard. Yet, it puts into question the premise that that fact alone could justify a censorship. That usually constitutes an offence against the spirit of autonomy, one of the main reasons to accept free speech in the first place.Show less
The aim of this thesis is to provide a comparative insight in benevolence (ren) as a leadership quality. The main focus is on the understanding of ren in the base of Confucianism, after which its...Show moreThe aim of this thesis is to provide a comparative insight in benevolence (ren) as a leadership quality. The main focus is on the understanding of ren in the base of Confucianism, after which its keystones are compared to those of Liberalism. In the first part, it focuses on the meaning of ren that can be derived from relevant passages in the Analects of Confucius (the Lunyu). The second part explores its significance as a leadership quality. It ends with a comparative study between these keystones found, and those of liberalism in the broadest sense of the notion.Show less
The body of liberalism needs defending in a world increasingly hostile to liberal states, but the soul of liberalism is equally under threat, by the increasingly vociferous claims for recognition...Show moreThe body of liberalism needs defending in a world increasingly hostile to liberal states, but the soul of liberalism is equally under threat, by the increasingly vociferous claims for recognition of group difference from the multicultural milieu, which are often in conflict, within its borders. How must a liberal respond to the conflict of values and claims for special recognition? The central focus of this work is to counter arguments that liberalism ought to respond by promoting personal autonomy, i.e., developing liberal individuals and institutions. Rather, in returning to the foundational basis of liberalism - that the irreducibly individual nature of moral reasoning and the fact of diversity demands liberty of conscience - it reasserts the primacy of the principle of toleration and the corollary freedom of association (and exit), as the only theoretically justifiable and coherent liberal response to diversity. This is founded on the universal human value of living according to, or not against, conscience and the striving for peaceable coexistence. A free society then, is one where different groups, illiberal or otherwise, coexist in mutual toleration and where the relevant individual freedom is the right to live according to conscience (howsoever culturally formed or defined) against external interference and, in circumstances of conflict or dissent, the freedom to exit. The implications of this conclusion are that only norms of civility developed by modus operandi may constrain 'illiberal' cultural practices. The liberal state is not invested with this power any more than it is with authority over moral questions; the state is a tyrant by policy when it is granted that authority by principle.Show less
