In this thesis, I will discuss Robert Nozick’s entitlement theory of justice as developed in his Anarchy, State, and Utopia. Specifically, I will examine his theory of justice in holdings and its...Show moreIn this thesis, I will discuss Robert Nozick’s entitlement theory of justice as developed in his Anarchy, State, and Utopia. Specifically, I will examine his theory of justice in holdings and its three constituent principles of justice in acquisition, justice in transfer, and the principle of rectification. The core focus of this thesis is, however, on Nozick’s principle of rectification, which ties his entitlement theory together. As part of this analysis, I will also explore questions concerning how far back one must and can go, what a victim may require as rectification for an injustice, and various other complications that cannot be simply ignored in the face of practical real-world applications. Specifically, I will consider the injustice of slavery as it existed in the United States from its foundation in 1776 up until 1865, when the Thirteenth Amendment proclaimed that “neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, […] shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction.” For the injustice of slavery during this time period, I will provide an empirical and data driven analysis to quantify the requisite Nozickian rectification. Having examined the question of how large rectification for slavery ought to be, I conclude that it should be minimal or nil if the question is analyzed under Nozickian libertarian principles. My conclusion is based on (a) a review of the conceptual problems with claims for rectification, and (b) an empirical analysis that provides a rough estimate of how much claimants can possibly expect to receive for rectification.Show less
The 2014 Spitzenkandidaten procedure for nominating a candidate for the European Commission Presidency sought to render the (s)election process more democratically legitimate. However, despite its...Show moreThe 2014 Spitzenkandidaten procedure for nominating a candidate for the European Commission Presidency sought to render the (s)election process more democratically legitimate. However, despite its successful emergence, 2019 saw the repudiation of the Spitzenkandidaten. Adopting a multi-method approach that speaks to current literature on the EU’s perceived democratic deficit, this thesis highlights that from pluralist, libertarian, social democratic, and deliberative democracy perspectives the 2014 Spitzenkandidaten improved the democratic legitimacy of the Commission Presidency, reducing the EU’s democratic deficit. This thesis further finds that the repudiation of the Spitzenkandidaten in 2019 constituted a retraction of this democratic legitimacy from three of the four philosophical perspectives, expanding the democratic deficit accordingly. Utilising the insights of MEPs further enhances these findings, grounding them in theoretical and practical terms. As one of the initial studies that have analysed the impact of the Spitzenkandidaten following its repudiation in 2019, this research holds significant potential to inform our understanding of the current shape of contemporary European democracy and the EU’s democratic deficit.Show less
There is a presumed legitimacy for the state to intervene in domestic trade because it is the arbiter between citizens within the state. In international trade, however, there is no presumed...Show moreThere is a presumed legitimacy for the state to intervene in domestic trade because it is the arbiter between citizens within the state. In international trade, however, there is no presumed overarching sovereign political institution such as the state to fulfil a similar role. In order to answer the question of what the limits of state intervention in international trade are I will argue that there is no legitimate role for the state to play. I will do this by turning to Locke’s social contract theory of political obligation, and show that state interventions in international trade lie beyond the legitimate domain of state action. After this critique I will introduce a possible way in which states may still intervene in trade by analysing James’ principle of structural equity, which applies Rawlsian Justice in the domain of international trade. Through the principle of structural equity James tries to legitimize interventions in trade by appealing to a constructivist social practice approach where nation’s mutual reliance on trade furnishes the grounds for intervention in international trade. I will then point out that this approach is misguided, and cannot be accepted by libertarian thinkers because James appeals to the wrong agent involved in international trade, and consequently fails to legitimize the principles of structural equity. Moreover I will argue for a laissez faire approach to international trade which is based on the idea that if there is no overarching sovereign political authority in international trade, then there are no rules and regulations in such trade, except for those which the contractees agree too. Finally I will respond to a number of possible objections to this laissez faire approach.Show less
Ludwig Von Mises is consensually seen as the father of modern libertarianism, but little is known about the deeper roots of his uncompromising laissez-faire way of thinking. This dissertation tries...Show moreLudwig Von Mises is consensually seen as the father of modern libertarianism, but little is known about the deeper roots of his uncompromising laissez-faire way of thinking. This dissertation tries to present a better understanding of the origins of Mises thought and, more particularly, how Mises, from a very technical economist before the First World War, turned into an ideologist in his book Nation, State, and Economy (1919). Through a careful description of the historical background an analysis of the evolution of his political thought from 1907 to 1919, it is argued that the three Mises’ main biographies, from Jörg Hülsmann, Murray Rothbard, and from Mises himself, interpreted his pre-war ideas in a teleological and anachronistic manner by applying posterior concepts that did not hold before the war. The main conclusion of this thesis is that Mises shifted from a technician to an ideologist as a reaction against the First World War and the excessive centralization of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. After suggesting that the psychological roots of this shift should be explored, it is also argued that Mises is, in the end, conceptually mimicking the socialists he criticizes, and that the second wave of the Austrian School starts not in the twenties, but in 1919 with Nation, State, and Economy.Show less
In this thesis I claim that libertarianism is a view that should once again be considered as a plausible possibility within the free will debate. Earlier versions of libertarianism needed...Show moreIn this thesis I claim that libertarianism is a view that should once again be considered as a plausible possibility within the free will debate. Earlier versions of libertarianism needed unscientific notions such as noumenal selves or non-occurrent causes and were therefore discarded due to our current knowledge of science. However, philosopher Robert Kane has developed an account of libertarianism that appears to make a libertarian notion of free will compatible with science. My first objective is to clarify this account of libertarianism. Many objections have been raised against Kane, but only a few philosophers have tried to constructively reject his account of libertarianism. In this thesis I explain two strong objections that have been raised against libertarianism by famous philosopher and compatibilist Daniel Dennett. However, I claim that these objections are not sufficient to reject libertarianism as a whole and I conclude that therefore more work has to be done to abandon libertarianism altogether.Show less
