Education is one of the most important determinants of an individual livelihood. Not only does education contribute to the development of a nation, but it also fosters democracy through the...Show moreEducation is one of the most important determinants of an individual livelihood. Not only does education contribute to the development of a nation, but it also fosters democracy through the teachings of democratic values in schools and exposure to the benefits of civic engagement. Furthermore, the education system of a country is reflective of its ideology and can serve as a tool for the government to shape the view of its citizens. Literature on the relationship between democracy on education is vast, but most are based on quantitative measures. Thus, this research conducts a qualitative study in analysing the effect of the level of democracy on the inclusion of democratic values in the fundamental education law of each country. Employing a diverse case selection, qualitative content analysis method, and a deductive coding frame, this thesis finds that the effect of democracy on democratic values in education law has varying effects. A clear division based on the level of democracy is visible for democratic goals in the education law, but is less visible regarding participation, freedom, and equality. The findings of this thesis contribute to narrowing the literature gap and allow further understanding of the impact of democracy on daily life and human development.Show less
Countries in Southeast Asia in the 21st century are both dependent on China when it comes to economic affairs such as trade, but also infrastructure investment. At the same time, these countries...Show moreCountries in Southeast Asia in the 21st century are both dependent on China when it comes to economic affairs such as trade, but also infrastructure investment. At the same time, these countries are in conflict with China, about the South China Sea, in which China claims a bigger part of this sea than Southeast Asia would like. This thesis discusses the following research question: Why do Southeast Asian countries maintain Chinese infrastructure investments despite the territorial dispute about the South China Sea?Show less
The Malaysian government and Malaysian NGOs engage in a variety of institutional collaborations to protect their numerous endangered species from extinction. However, there is a general tendency...Show moreThe Malaysian government and Malaysian NGOs engage in a variety of institutional collaborations to protect their numerous endangered species from extinction. However, there is a general tendency among such institutional conservation collaborations to fail to achieve their goal(s), resulting in a delay of the aspired outcome of the collaboration or in the extinction of the endangered species. This thesis aims to understand why such collaborations fail to reach their goal(s) by examining the institutional collaboration on the conservation of the critically endangered Sumatran rhinoceros, involving the governments and NGOs of Malaysia and Indonesia as well as their international partners. The general findings indicate that possible inequalities in the position, interests and priorities of the actors involved, and a resulting lack of goal congruence, are vital concerns to take into account and to address, as they obstruct the conservation progress.Show less
The aim of the thesis is to explore the largest environmental movement in Malaysia’s history – the anti-Lynas movement – through a case study analysis. The campaign emerged as a response against...Show moreThe aim of the thesis is to explore the largest environmental movement in Malaysia’s history – the anti-Lynas movement – through a case study analysis. The campaign emerged as a response against the construction of the Lynas Advanced Material Plant (LAMP), a rare earth refinery plant in West Malaysia. The anti-Lynas movement argued that the opening of the facility would have negative environmental and health consequences due to the lack of proper waste management facilities for radioactive components such as thorium and uranium. Despite having scientific evidence and political support within the Malaysia also internationally, the movement was unable to stop the operations of the largest earth refinery plant in the world. The thesis draws on resource mobilization theory and political opportunity structures to explain the outcome of the movement. The objective of the thesis is to analyze the reasons why the movement failed to stop the construction and the operations of the rare earth facility. The results of the thesis argue that the anti-Lynas movement had the necessary resources to emerge and contest the LAMP facility. However, the political context of Malaysia did not allow for the movement to influence the legislation of LAMP.Show less
This research paper contributes to the insights about cross-cultural management between the Netherlands and Malaysia in regard of a multinational. One of the main issues these days is how cross...Show moreThis research paper contributes to the insights about cross-cultural management between the Netherlands and Malaysia in regard of a multinational. One of the main issues these days is how cross-cultural management can show its strength and how it possibly can be improved. In answering the main question, not only will the conditions for growth towards a cross-cultural management be discussed, but there will be an interpretative study on how performance management functions. The practical objective of the research is, by means of this interpretative research, to lay the foundation for an expansion of cross-cultural management between the Netherlands and Malaysia. As a result, this will illustrate the additional assets for perhaps different countries. Ultimately, the multinationals can use this to improve customer satisfaction and work more efficiently. The intellectual objective is to contribute to understanding about supporting cross-cultural management in a multinational.Show less
Ever since the start of the war on terror, governments worldwide have struggled with countering the narratives that are spread by violent extremist organisations. Recent academic research has...Show moreEver since the start of the war on terror, governments worldwide have struggled with countering the narratives that are spread by violent extremist organisations. Recent academic research has produced several prescriptions that indicate what aspects potentially successful counter-narrative, alternative narrative and government strategic communications programmes need to possess. Testing the scholarly recommendations on target audience, message, messenger and medium to the actual policies of Malaysia and Indonesia, it becomes apparent that the policies of both states are partially congruent with the dominant ideas in the literature. However, what both Malaysia and Indonesia lack is a clear delineation of target audiences based on level of radicalisation, the provision of alternative things to do to complement their alternative narrative programmes and a comprehensive strategy to combine online and offline measures to achieve the most sustainable effect. Still, when comparing the respective policies of the two states, it must be noted that Malaysia is more congruent with the scholarly prescriptions than Indonesia. The most important differences between the two states are that the Malaysian authorities showcase a more sophisticated awareness and application of the relevant academic definitions and take a rather comprehensive approach to providing government strategic communications, the latter of which is practically lacking in the case of Indonesia.Show less
Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has been deemed as the most successful regional grouping in the history of Southeast Asia, most notorious for its achievement in creating and...Show moreAssociation of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has been deemed as the most successful regional grouping in the history of Southeast Asia, most notorious for its achievement in creating and maintaining peace and stability in the region comprising 10 countries with vastly diverse political, economic and socio-cultural background. The territorial claims concerning South China Sea by four ASEAN countries (Brunei Darussalam, Malaysia, Philippines and Viet Nam) against China remains the most pressing challenge for the region up to the present day. While ASEAN has taken up the issue under its multilateral framework in which ASEAN and China have been working towards a code of conduct in South China Sea, it is found that ASEAN itself is inconsistent in its position when it comes to South China Sea as evident in its political stance through its annual statement and communique. Such inconsistency is in line with various critics on ASEAN’s informal and weak institutionalisation due to its lack of sense of regional belonging. As ASEAN itself has repeatedly emphasises the need of ASEAN centrality in regional and international set up, the foresaid issue is inarguably a testament to ASEAN centrality. Taking into account that the conduct of ASEAN depends very much on its annually rotated chairmanship, in which the chair has the responsibility to ensure ASEAN centrality, this thesis aims to investigate how a country’s national identity affect its regional identity under ASEAN’s regionalism with regard to the South China Sea issue through ASEAN chairmanship. To this end, this thesis investigates how Myanmar, Malaysia and Lao People’s Democratic Republic (PDR), as ASEAN chairs in 2014, 2015 and 2016, respectively, led ASEAN in achieving a common position on South China Sea and how prominent are their national identities in their undertakings.Show less
This thesis examines the contradictions at the heart of Malaysia's national narrative, where the perception of a unified national Malaysian identity conflicts with such institutional ethnic-based...Show moreThis thesis examines the contradictions at the heart of Malaysia's national narrative, where the perception of a unified national Malaysian identity conflicts with such institutional ethnic-based laws and rights as exemplified by the NEP. It investigates if the possibility of middle class affiliation, as illustrated by the Bersih movement, offers an alternative way of imagining Malaysian identity that transcends persistent ethno-religious classifications, moving towards a sense of universal, inclusive citizenship.Show less
This thesis evaluates the compatibility of sharia law with modern universal values and human rights. The methodology used in this research is a comparative case study, taking Saudi Arabia and...Show moreThis thesis evaluates the compatibility of sharia law with modern universal values and human rights. The methodology used in this research is a comparative case study, taking Saudi Arabia and Malaysia as the two case studies analysed. The main focus of this research is evaluating the political and social factors which influence the extent to which Muslim countries comply with modern universal values and human rights. The political factors examined include state structure and governmental influence over the application of laws in a nation. Meanwhile, the social factors analysed include the influence of the history and background of a state over its laws. Subsequently, this comparative case study highlights the different manners in whch sharia law is applied across the Islamic world due to the influence of social and political factors.Show less
The purpose of this study is to analyse the relationship between Islamisation and democratisation in democratic Malaysia post-independence. It seeks to answer the research question ‘How do changes...Show moreThe purpose of this study is to analyse the relationship between Islamisation and democratisation in democratic Malaysia post-independence. It seeks to answer the research question ‘How do changes in the Islamic political landscape help shape Malaysian democracy?’ The analysis is threefold: the study focuses on political society, female representation in Malaysian politics and the role of civil society in promoting political Islam.Show less
Bachelor thesis | South and Southeast Asian Studies (BA)
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This thesis studies the current dynamics between the Malaysian middle class(es) and the state in informing the concept of Malaysian citizenship. The middle classes are historically segregated...Show moreThis thesis studies the current dynamics between the Malaysian middle class(es) and the state in informing the concept of Malaysian citizenship. The middle classes are historically segregated throughout history along ethnic and religious lines, but recently there seems to be signs of a 'Malaysian middle class'. Are these middle class Malaysians the key to a truely 'Malaysian Malaysia'?Show less
In this thesis I will analyze the representation of modernity in the commercials of Garuda Indonesia and Malaysia Airlines between 2013 and the first half of 2015. Their commercials give an exalted...Show moreIn this thesis I will analyze the representation of modernity in the commercials of Garuda Indonesia and Malaysia Airlines between 2013 and the first half of 2015. Their commercials give an exalted perspective on the nations they represent. I will focus on what Malaysian- and Indonesian modernity looks like, how these two national ‘modernities’ overlap or differ, and hopefully this can tell us something about Southeast Asian modernity in general.Show less
When the ruling Alliance-coalition of Malaysia suffered a painful defeat in the 1969 general elections, ethnic riots erupted in the streets of Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia’s capital city. These riots...Show moreWhen the ruling Alliance-coalition of Malaysia suffered a painful defeat in the 1969 general elections, ethnic riots erupted in the streets of Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia’s capital city. These riots proved a watershed moment in the history of Malaysia, since they convinced the country’s political leaders that more should be done for Malay Malaysians in order to prevent similar events from occurring in the future. For this reason, an affirmative action programme called the New Economic Policy (NEP) was adopted in 1971. As a consequence of the NEP, Malay entrepreneurs obtained a considerable stake in the domestic economy. The thesis analyses whether the favourable competitive position that accrued to Malay entrepreneurs under the NEP was historically unique. It addresses the following research question: to what extent did changes in the conditions for the development of entrepreneurship of varying ethnic origin during the period 1920-1970 anticipate the New Economic Policy? I argue that, although the favourable conditions facing Malay Malaysian entrepreneurs under the NEP were historically unprecedented, positive discrimination of Malays in government policies has deep historical roots. Initially such policies were fairly narrow in scope, gradually broadening as time went by. By the second half of the 1960s the policy climate already portrayed many of the features that would come to characterize the NEP.Show less
Upon becoming prime-minister of Malaysia in 1981,Mahathir initiated the “Look East” policy. This policy looked at Korea and Japan and sought to use these countries as examples. The policy was not...Show moreUpon becoming prime-minister of Malaysia in 1981,Mahathir initiated the “Look East” policy. This policy looked at Korea and Japan and sought to use these countries as examples. The policy was not only meant as an economic measure, but also as a cultural policy to aid the poor Malays. This thesis tries to answer the question to what extent the policy was aimed for the latter and how this was to be implemented. Firstly, it will look at Malaysia's cultural background and Mahathir's view on the matter before becoming prime-minister. It focuses on his book, the Malay Dilemma, where he stressed the need for Malays to change their values. Secondly it will look into the initiation of the “Look East” policy and what it aimed to do. Thirdly, it will go into Japan's image and how Mahathir sought to transfer values from Japan to Malaysia. Then, it will look at the implementation of the policy and how it was executed. Lastly, the conclusion talks about the cultural influence of the “Look East” policy. Saying that the policy was not effective in changing the values of the Malays, but did bring out a change in direction from looking to the West towards looking to the East.Show less
