This paper concerns the Christchurch shooter Brenton Tarrant and the American conservative commentator Candace Owens. When Owens was named in Tarrant’s manifesto as an inspiration, news media...Show moreThis paper concerns the Christchurch shooter Brenton Tarrant and the American conservative commentator Candace Owens. When Owens was named in Tarrant’s manifesto as an inspiration, news media spread the idea that this was an insincere statement by Tarrant. This idea went from news media and can now be found academic and reputable think tank publications. This paper makes the case that this idea has no firm grounding. Furthermore, this paper makes the case that Tarrant was influenced by Owens. This is established by looking at ideological similarities, Tarrant’s anti-black racism, writing and humour in Tarrant’s manifesto, and addressing counter arguments. The conclusion is that there is a strong case for the position that Owens did influence Tarrant and a very weak case for that not to be true.Show less
The terrorist attacks of Halle (2019) and Hanau (2020) are two examples of recent killings inspired by right-wing extremism in Germany. The manifestos written by the two shooters show significant...Show moreThe terrorist attacks of Halle (2019) and Hanau (2020) are two examples of recent killings inspired by right-wing extremism in Germany. The manifestos written by the two shooters show significant differences in ideology, both through their style and their content. This paper explores to what extent these differences can be reconciled under the same concept of far-right ideologies. This research project, based on grounded theory, consisted of a discourse analysis applied on both manifestos. The two manifestos, selected in accordance with theoretical sampling, were coded in three steps, following the Charmaz approach to grounded theory. The manifestos mainly exhibited, to significantly different extents, four principal aspects: a) conspiracy theories, b) the construction of a nationalist identity and antagonization of ‘internal’ enemies, c) the stigmatization and targeting of groups due to ethnic or religious differences, and d) the interrelatedness of right-wing extremist ideologies and various subcultures, mostly stemming from the internet. All four of these aspects have been documented in other pieces of right-wing extremist writings, showing the difficulty of clearly delimiting the concept of right-wing extremism or even more precise movements contained within it.Show less
Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
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With the rapid proliferation of New Confucian studies since the mid 1980s, it has become an unquestioned dogma that one particular event at the beginning of 1958 marks a watershed in the movement’s...Show moreWith the rapid proliferation of New Confucian studies since the mid 1980s, it has become an unquestioned dogma that one particular event at the beginning of 1958 marks a watershed in the movement’s development. This event is the publication of the Manifesto that Mou Zongsan 牟宗三, Tang Junyi唐君毅, Xu Fuguan 徐復觀, and Zhang Junmai 张君劢 co-signed and published almost simultaneously in the two journals Minzhu pinglun民評論 (Democratic Tribune) and Zaisheng再生(National Renaissance) with the title “为中国文化敬告世界人士宣言─我们对中国学术研究及中国文化与世界文前途之共同认识” (Wei Zhongguo wenhua jinggao shijie renshi xuanyan –women dui Zhongguo xueshu yanjiu ji Zhongguo wenhua yu shijiewen qiantu zhi gongtong renshi; translated in English as “A Manifesto on the Reappraisal of Chinese Culture – our Joint Understanding of the Sinological Study relating to World Cultural Outlook.”). Its main purpose is to benefit Western intellectuals in 'aiding them to appreciate Chinese culture'. In order to do so, the authors employ a strategic terminology, which allows them to build a consistent cross-cultural dialogue between Western and Chinese philosophy by means of an unprecedented discourse on 'Chinese Rationalism' (中国心性之学 Zhongguo xinxing zhi xue). Interestingly, the latter is described by the authors as “the essence of Chinese Culture” and, beside its comparative value, it represents the most comprehensive configuration of Confucianism in the context of 20th century. Academic interest in Chinese Studies and Chinese Philosophy should take into account the articulation of Chinese Rationalism in the Manifesto of 1958 as representing a paradigm of post-comparative dialogue that exemplifies the underlying philosophical continuity beyond consistently different traditions of thought.Show less
This study focused on the extent to which British political parties made pledges and policies for youth in their 2010 election manifestos to motivate them to vote and the extent to which these...Show moreThis study focused on the extent to which British political parties made pledges and policies for youth in their 2010 election manifestos to motivate them to vote and the extent to which these policies were subsequently reflected in the news to enable the youth to be informed of the policies that are relevant for them. Previous literature has argued that political parties are to blame for low youth voter turnout but these arguments were based on survey studies among young people and no research had been conducted on the actual policies parties make for youth. Content analysis was carried out on the election manifestos of the three biggest parties in the UK and news articles by three online news sources to determine the attention given to young people. The results showed that very few pledges were made specifically for young people in the manifestos but that news media did report about these pledges fairly often. It was concluded that the political parties offer young people very little motivation to vote, but also that the media does inform youth about the policies that are relevant for them. These results lend support to the claim in the literature that youth are often marginalised in policy discourse and youth voter abstention could, to some extent, be a result of the reluctance of political parties to sufficiently address youth issues.Show less
