This thesis explores the "sending down" of radical university students to work in factories and their subsequent effects on the radical organizations which sent them there.
In 2016, the Jordan Compact (JC) agreement brought together the government of Jordan and major international donors to pledge support to Syrian refugees. It represented a new form of refugee...Show moreIn 2016, the Jordan Compact (JC) agreement brought together the government of Jordan and major international donors to pledge support to Syrian refugees. It represented a new form of refugee management that incorporates humanitarian help and long-term national development objectives. This thesis analysed how the JC is much more than a humanitarian project and led to the commodification of refugees. To answer this question, a historical analysis of the neoliberal restructuring in Jordan and a critical discourse analysis of the JC was conducted, using a neo-Marxist framework. The results show that a new humanitarian-development paradigm increasingly renders refugees as resilient objects of economic opportunity, leading to their exploitation in the labour market, and serves as a legitimising mechanism for the continuation and deepening of neoliberal restructuring. This study emphasises that humanitarian projects are inherently political and never neutral, and that while “turning the Syrian refugee crisis into a development opportunity” may sound like an appealing proposition, the conjunction of development and humanitarianism proves not to be compatible, as it leads to the exploitation and commodification of refugees in a newly emerged realm of capital accumulation.Show less
The displaced looks back at the place he/she left when entering in a new place. In this thesis, I will invite you to move into a space-time without the need to take a plane, not even the bus. I...Show moreThe displaced looks back at the place he/she left when entering in a new place. In this thesis, I will invite you to move into a space-time without the need to take a plane, not even the bus. I will take you for a walk into the ‘androgynous’ that questions the collective representations of gender based on sexuality. In anthropological terms, gender points out the presence of a culturally constructed difference between male and female. More than this, the differences point out a dichotomy between two symbols shaped by the meanings of feminine and masculine principles. The concept of androgynous is the absence of this construction not so much in bodily attributes but more into the psychological domain. Hence, androgyny can offer a third space, proposed for the intersection of multiple spaces instead of binary categories. The implications of such understanding can reshape the relationships between the political, the economic and the historical away from the presupposed hierarchy of genders, and thus empower subjects of marginalization.Show less
In this paper I will compare Arthur Koestler’s fictional character N. Rubashov to Soviet revolutionary N.I. Bukharin. This comparison allows me to show two different approaches, bourgeois and...Show moreIn this paper I will compare Arthur Koestler’s fictional character N. Rubashov to Soviet revolutionary N.I. Bukharin. This comparison allows me to show two different approaches, bourgeois and Marxist, to both guilt and history. Koestler’s Rubashov was criticized by Maurice Merleau-Ponty for giving an insincere confession because he argues that Rubashov had an inadequate understanding of the history surrounding him; as opposed to Bukharin. I shall argue that although Merleau-Ponty rightly argues that Rubashov has a different approach to history, I do not believe it is enough to disregard his confession as insincere. His understanding develops in the book and this allows Rubashov a solution to his apparent paradox of a bourgeois sense of history with a Marxist sense of guilt. He confesses to his crimes for different reasons than Bukharin, but his confession is of the same nature. This shows that Merleau-Ponty’s conception of guilt and history is flawed and needs revising.Show less
The paper in question identifies the main strands in international relations theory on insurgent cohesion. It proceeds by testing these strands on an original history of the Kosovo Liberation Army...Show moreThe paper in question identifies the main strands in international relations theory on insurgent cohesion. It proceeds by testing these strands on an original history of the Kosovo Liberation Army from its conception to its victory in 1999. Ultimately, the paper examines the relation between the cohesion of the organization and its political choices and vice versa.Show less
This thesis will explore the explanations for why the current Japanese government does not abolish or radically adjust its regulations regarding regular and non-regular workers. In doing so, it...Show moreThis thesis will explore the explanations for why the current Japanese government does not abolish or radically adjust its regulations regarding regular and non-regular workers. In doing so, it will touch upon the historical development of labour policy-making (e.g. shift to shingikai). It will use a Marxism framework to prove that under the current policies, non-regular workers are being exploited. This is done by examining two policies proposed by the Abe administration, namely the Zero Overtime Bill, and the amendment of the Worker Dispatch Law. It will subsequently prove that this is not a trend that has started recently, but a trend that has started in the 80’s.Show less
This thesis shall address the factors that influenced the development of Nicaragua’s revolutionary movement in order to assess whether the Nicaraguan case fell under the umbrella of the Domino...Show moreThis thesis shall address the factors that influenced the development of Nicaragua’s revolutionary movement in order to assess whether the Nicaraguan case fell under the umbrella of the Domino Theory, or whether it was a legitimate, autonomous national movement that sought national change. In order to best represent this, the National Nicaraguan Literacy Crusade of 1980 shall be employed as a case study, and the reasons behind its implementation and its political use shall be addressed in order to present that, despite foreign influence and the Cold War politics at the time, the revolutionary movement in Nicaragua was the result of an accumulation of national internal factors that resulted from the genuine revolutionary urge within the country.Show less
