A nation’s identity builds on a common past and traditions. After the Second World War, the newborn government of the GDR had to make a concerted effort to create such traditions, building on the...Show moreA nation’s identity builds on a common past and traditions. After the Second World War, the newborn government of the GDR had to make a concerted effort to create such traditions, building on the history of the German working class and their leading historical figures. Among them: Clara Zetkin. A dedicated and respected politician in her time, she was made an icon in the GDR, as she was portrayed as an ideal socialist role model and heroine throughout the public sphere, by means of the memory politics of the SED. The biographies, newspaper articles, films, and museums focused on Zetkin, as well as the street signs, statues, banknotes, and awards bearing her name in the GDR created a particular image of the historical figure: a model socialist heroine. This image differs from the historical figure of Zetkin, as some parts have been emphasized, others downplayed, or left out entirely.Show less
In April 2007, the streets of Tallinn bore witness to the worst civil unrest seen in Estonia since the Soviet Red Army arrived in the city in 1944. The riots, in which one ethnic Russian protester...Show moreIn April 2007, the streets of Tallinn bore witness to the worst civil unrest seen in Estonia since the Soviet Red Army arrived in the city in 1944. The riots, in which one ethnic Russian protester was killed and over 1,000 were arrested, came to be known as ‘Bronze Night’ and were sparked by the removal and relocation of a Soviet-era monument, the ‘Bronze Soldier’, which had stood in the centre of the city since 1947. This study argues that the removal of the ‘Bronze Soldier' can be viewed as the culmination of a ‘memory war’ which has played out since independence and which highlights and contributes to a rift in Estonian society. Drawing on insights garnered from memory studies and elements of securitization theory, this study argues that the construction of a singular focused ‘memory regime’ by the Estonian state has led to increased marginalisation of the ethnic Russian population in the state. Such marginalisation led to the creation of a counter-memory regime, embodied by the ‘Bronze Soldier’, which was easily exploited by the Russian state. The ensuing ‘memory war’ between both interpretations of history ensured ongoing hostility and antagonism between both ethnic groups which culminated in the events witnessed in 2007. This study argues that the construction of a more critical and pluralistic historical narrative on the part of the Estonian state, as opposed to an incessant fixation on Russia, would ensure increased integration in Estonia and subsequently, foster a greater feeling of security on the part of the Estonian state.Show less
In early modern Europe, authority was often legitimated by the antiquity of an institution or practice. The past played an important part in the self-fashioning of rulers, and vice versa posed a...Show moreIn early modern Europe, authority was often legitimated by the antiquity of an institution or practice. The past played an important part in the self-fashioning of rulers, and vice versa posed a problem for people trying to change or replace ancient institutions.In this context historians have coined the term ‘memory wars’, as memories become arguments justifying present actions. While the role of memory politics, aimed at remembering as well as forgetting, has been studied in the civil wars in the Low Countries and France, this has not been done for a similar conflict in Scotland. This points to a problem in the study of memory politics in early modern Europe, which is mostly based on progressive polities as France and the Low Countries. This is problematic because modernity is a point of contention among scholars studying memory practices.To overcome a possible distortion of early modern memory practices by relying on relatively ‘modern’ polities, it is necessary to compare the practices in these polities with memory practices in an early modern polity which was less developed, such as Scotland. Are economic prosperity and state formation, or a certain level of development, prerequisites for ‘modern’ memory practices?Show less
During his diplomatic stationing in Budapest between 1942 and 1945, the Swiss diplomat Carl Lutz executed a rescue operation which saved the lives of tens of thousands of Nazi persecuted Jews, in...Show moreDuring his diplomatic stationing in Budapest between 1942 and 1945, the Swiss diplomat Carl Lutz executed a rescue operation which saved the lives of tens of thousands of Nazi persecuted Jews, in the process becoming the driving force behind the most extensive civilian rescue operation of the Holocaust. And yet, hardly anyone recognises Lutz's name let alone what he accomplished. By studying Lutz from a political and cultural lens of memory, this thesis focuses on attempting to understand why certain individuals are remembered while others are 'destined' for the proverbial 'dustbin of history'.Show less
A thesis about the Wall of Grief in Moscow, the first monument built for the victims of political repression during the Soviet era supported by the Russian government.
Spain’s democratic transition has served as a model of transition for many other countries of the third wave of democratization. However, despite the remarkable features of peacefulness and...Show moreSpain’s democratic transition has served as a model of transition for many other countries of the third wave of democratization. However, despite the remarkable features of peacefulness and rapidity of transforming from an authoritarian to a democratic state, the country abstained from a rupture with its old regime and from measures of transitional justice. In the center of Spain’s politics of continuity was the “Pact of Forgetting“ or pact of silence, an informal agreement amongst political parties in 1976 to silence the past of the Spanish Civil War and the dictatorship, in order to overcome historical cleavages and facilitate democratization. Nevertheless, since the 1990s, the pact of silence has been broken on several occasions by left political parties and increasingly come under pressure by civil society’s demands for justice. The 2000s were defined by two trends: an acceleration of left and societal demands for a recovery of historical memory and justice measures on the one hand, and conservative parties’ resistance in dealing with Spain’s past on the other hand. This thesis will examine the reasons for the disintegration of the pact of silence, with a particular focus on the “memory war” between left and right parties.Show less
The nineties in Russia were a hectic period full of change. Gorbachev came to power and implemented new policies such as Glasnost and Perestroika. These policies had an enormous effect on the...Show moreThe nineties in Russia were a hectic period full of change. Gorbachev came to power and implemented new policies such as Glasnost and Perestroika. These policies had an enormous effect on the Russian economy and among other things food shortages appeared. When Gorbachev came to power, people believed in him and the promise of a better future he brought. However when the reforms turned out to have negative economical consequences, people were left disappointed. This national feeling of disappointment was later used by the state to legitimize the change in political course of the new president Putin. This demonizing of the nineties sparked a form of countermemory called ‘Flashmobs’. ‘Flashmobs’ are personal pictures of the nineties posted on social media accounts. This thesis will look at Flashmobs as an expression of reflective nostalgia for the nineties. As a form of democratic protest of people who are saying that the nineties were not all bad, and thereby creating a countermemory against the demonization of the nineties.Show less
