Organized crime has remained an incredibly persistent problem in Mexico in the last decades consequently causing severe levels of violence, insecurity, and corruption in the country. Historically,...Show moreOrganized crime has remained an incredibly persistent problem in Mexico in the last decades consequently causing severe levels of violence, insecurity, and corruption in the country. Historically, Mexican organized crime groups have demonstrated strong resilience and overcome various challenges posed by the Mexican and American governments. However, it is not clear how the COVID-19 pandemic has impacted organized crime in Mexico. This thesis wishes to explore this by studying the changes in organized crime activity in Mexico before and during the pandemic. Based on the crime rates, it was observed that some organized crime-related activities decreased during the COVID-19 pandemic, while others remained stable. These results indicate that the COVID-19 pandemic and the subsequent regulations have had a slight, but insignificant impact on organized crime in Mexico. This strongly indicate that Mexican organized crime groups’ have the ability to show great resilience in the face of major disruptions to the social environment. This finding highlights the need for more detailed research on what mechanisms enable organized crime to remain afloat. An understanding of these mechanisms is of great significance to policymakers attempting to limit the harm of organized crime.Show less
Governance constitutes an important feature of organized crime. Across the world, millions of people live under criminal governance. In such cases, criminal organizations are involved in enforcing...Show moreGovernance constitutes an important feature of organized crime. Across the world, millions of people live under criminal governance. In such cases, criminal organizations are involved in enforcing rules and collecting taxes, providing security, as well as offering basic goods and services. This phenomenon primarily takes place in areas of weak state presence, where the government fails to satisfy the population's basic needs such as physical and social security. As of today, criminal governance remains particularly widespread throughout Latin America. Indeed, the region suffers from high levels of violence and public insecurity, which bear significant impacts on social, economic, and political life. The states of Mexico and Brazil, in particular, are home to some of the largest criminal organizations in the world. The latter include cartels and gang networks of various sizes and organizational structures. In turn, the same organizations have been involved in establishing localized governance practices in their respective countries. Despite being a well-researched concept in academia, criminal governance remains understudied in contexts of crisis. The states of Brazil and Mexico have been greatly affected by the Covid-19 pandemic and its negative socioeconomic impacts. In addition, the said crisis profoundly altered the environment in which criminal organizations operate. Using a comparative case study methodology, this thesis, therefore, investigates the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic on criminal governance practices from criminal groups in Mexico and Brazil. In doing so, it aims to form a better understanding of how criminal organizations adapted their governance activities to the health crisis.Show less
By seeking to explore the development of social protection national policy, this thesis has sought to contribute to the field of global social policy, by delving into the role and influence of...Show moreBy seeking to explore the development of social protection national policy, this thesis has sought to contribute to the field of global social policy, by delving into the role and influence of international organizations with regards to national social protection systems. This research has scrutinised the way Mexico applied conventions related to social protection devised by the International Labour Organisation and developed its national social protection system since 1931 (when it joined the organisation) until present. Through a historical approach, it has been demonstrated how Mexico's changing economic systems have conditioned the applicability of the internationally-devised norms of the ILO to its national context. This finding aligns with the scholarly view on international norm compliance according to which states do not always defy internationally-imposed directives willingly, but are rather conditioned by national events or circumstances of a socio-economic or political order. It has thus been concluded that the Lost Decade of the 1980s represented a moment of upheaval and economic change (from state-led industrialization to market-led economy) that influenced the effectiveness of the ILO's norms on Mexico's social protection system.Show less
A single party ruled Mexico for over 70 years, despite having a constitution and a revolution to implement it. The role of the intelligence services in the democratization process of Mexico is...Show moreA single party ruled Mexico for over 70 years, despite having a constitution and a revolution to implement it. The role of the intelligence services in the democratization process of Mexico is largely ignored and lacks academic resources. How were the intelligence services in Mexico formed? How were they affected by the democratization of Mexico? What role did the Mexican intelligence services play in the democratic transition? How is intelligence understood in the Mexican context? What are the challenges that the services have and is facing? This thesis seeks to answer these questions by using qualitative methodology. The concepts of National Security, Intelligence and Federalism are used to analyze the sources consulted Keywords search in academic databases was conducted in order to recomplicate the available sources. An interview with a former operative was also conducted, in order to fill the gaps in the available knowledge compendium and to give a professional opinion on several matters pertaining the role of the services throughout history. The lack of professionalization, a clear legal mandate, and a cohesive intelligence community have been important factors that have affected the Mexican intelligence services throughout its history.Show less
This thesis analyses which factors have contributed to the increase of remittances in Mexico. Three factors have been researched: governmental policies in Mexico, the social bonds of migrants and...Show moreThis thesis analyses which factors have contributed to the increase of remittances in Mexico. Three factors have been researched: governmental policies in Mexico, the social bonds of migrants and the financial costs of remitting. The results show that more inclusive and supportive governmental policies have been implemented to help Mexican migrants and at the same time of the increase of remittances, the costs of remitting have decreased substantially. There was, however, no substantial difference between the migrants that have remitted and the migrants that have not remitted and their social bonds. The remittances in Mexico have thus likely been boosted by more inclusive and protective governmental policies and by lowering of the financial costs of remitting.Show less
A thesis which contributes a new perspective to the ongoing discussion on the human contacts made between North and Meso-America before Columbus. This is done specifically by looking at maize as an...Show moreA thesis which contributes a new perspective to the ongoing discussion on the human contacts made between North and Meso-America before Columbus. This is done specifically by looking at maize as an exotic good used for ritual and as a medium for narrative. It highlights the religious aspects of exchange and the travel of ideas and narratives with material in a time before writing was widespread. Because of the latter fact, the research is done through a multi-disciplinary approach, utilizing botany, archaeology and ethnology.Show less
Cartels have undermined the Mexican government's legitimacy with corruption and excessive violence, while some violent acts committed by cartels breach the threshold of what constitutes a crime...Show moreCartels have undermined the Mexican government's legitimacy with corruption and excessive violence, while some violent acts committed by cartels breach the threshold of what constitutes a crime against humanity. Based on the given jurisdiction of the ICC on crimes against humanity, the effects of a potential ICC intervention in the Mexican conflict on the legitimacy of the present conflict actors are investigated. Changes in the dependent variable 'Legitimacy' based on the following five independent variables 'Conflict Narratives'; 'Individual Framing'; 'Warrant-Stigmatization'; 'Self-Referral'; 'Kingpin-Strategy' are highlighted. This paper conducted a single-country case study to gain in-depth insights into the conflict and to ensure that the generated results have high internal validity. Mixed findings do not give one conclusive answer whether an ICC intervention de- or increases the legitimacy of either conflict party. A Mexican self-referral shapes conflict narratives that represent state actors as good, while the prosecuted cartels are vilified, enabling the Mexican government to regain legitimacy. Another particular effect of an ICC intervention would be an increase in violence. Prosecuting high-ranking cartel members widens splits within cartels, opens power vacuums, and destabilizes the conflict, leading to more violence and ultimately undermining the state's legitimacy.Show less
Deze scriptie onderzoekt de manieren waarop organisaties en journalisten uit de civiele maatschappij de strijd aangaan tegen politieke corruptie in Mexico, en wat de reactie van de huidige...Show moreDeze scriptie onderzoekt de manieren waarop organisaties en journalisten uit de civiele maatschappij de strijd aangaan tegen politieke corruptie in Mexico, en wat de reactie van de huidige president Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) op dit fenomeen is. Dit onderwerp zal in drie hoofdstukken behandeld worden. In hoofdstuk 1 ligt de focus op wat politieke corruptie precies inhoudt, wat overheden kunnen doen om hun transparantie te verhogen en welke rol de civiele maatschappij en internationale organisaties hierin spelen. In hoofdstuk 2 wordt aandacht besteed aan de geschiedenis van Mexico, met als focuspunt politieke corruptie. Er worden drie tijdsperiodes behandeld: de Mexicaanse revolutie (1910-1917) en de PRI-heerschappij (1929-2000) die hierop volgde, het neoliberalisme en privatisering in Mexico (1982-2006) en de war on drugs van president Felipe Calderón (2006-2012). Het laatste hoofdstuk gaat in op twee initiatieven uit de civiele maatschappij. Het eerste initiatief is van de organisatie Mexicanos Contra la Corrupción y la Impunidad. Er wordt geanalyseerd op welke manieren zij zich inzetten om politieke corruptie te bestrijden en welke successen zij behaald hebben. De tweede casus behandelt de journaliste Carmen Aristegui. Er wordt uiteengezet hoe zij al jarenlang de strijd aangaat tegen politieke corruptie, en met welke obstakels zij te maken heeft. Als laatste wordt besproken hoe de huidige president Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) zich inzet om politieke corruptie te bestrijden, en wat hij vindt van organisaties en journalisten uit de civiele maatschappij die dit probleem ook proberen aan te pakken.Show less
The production of political legitimacy is an open-ended process that is created by the continuous reproduction and negotiations between the ruling regime and its citizens. This thesis aims to...Show moreThe production of political legitimacy is an open-ended process that is created by the continuous reproduction and negotiations between the ruling regime and its citizens. This thesis aims to answer the research question How has insecurity and the role of inefficient institutions affected the political legitimacy of Felipe Calderón's 2006-2012 presidential terms? The research paper first explores the parameters of political legitimacy and utilises the normative approach as a theoretical framework of political legitimacy in combination with Hansen's definition of political legitimacy as components to measure Felipe Calderón's regime legitimacy. Thereafter, the text analyses the utilization of electoral legitimacy and revolutionary legitimacy as a tool to maintain and re-assert power and legitimacy during the PRI era, Vincente Fox's administration and its continual use during Calderón's presidential term. Furthermore, the thesis also examines the effects of the three minor variables: criminal violence, media, and public perception on (in)security and (in)efficient institutions on three specific events: the 2006 Mexican presidential election; Felipe Calderón's war on drugs; and the opening event of the monument Coloso and have founded that the insecurity and the role of inefficient institutions have largely decreased the political legitimacy of Felipe Calderóns 2006-2012 presidential term. The paper concludes that Calderón's presidential term was deemed as intially legitimate by the public during electoral process. However, the increase in insecurity and the inefficiency within state institutions greatly decreased the regime's legitimacy by the end of Felipe Calderón's presidential term.Show less
The high rates of violence which exist in Mexico are largely connected to the existence of organized crime and the fruitless government counteractions against these groups. In the face of powerful...Show moreThe high rates of violence which exist in Mexico are largely connected to the existence of organized crime and the fruitless government counteractions against these groups. In the face of powerful criminal organizations and ineffective governance, Mexican civil society has mobilized to counteract this situation through the creation of social movements. This thesis therefore analyzes the ways in which different social movements in Mexico have emerged to resist the effects of organized violence between 2000 and 2020. Three case studies, in the form of unique social movements, have been selected for analysis due to their prominence, diversity, and reactions to organized violence. These include the Movement for Peace with Justice and Dignity, the Cherán Indigenous Movement, and the Mexican Anti-Femicide Movement. This thesis finds several primary factors which contribute to the rise of social movements, which include the roles of neoliberalism, hierarchical structures, and identity. Other patterns emerge in the organization of these movements, namely that they mobilize in cycles and are internally fragmented. Despite the varied context and relative age of many of these theories, this thesis has proven that they still apply to more recent movements, upholding their continued relevance in the field.Show less
Women are still lagging behind men regarding their participation in the labor market, full-time employment, and the wages they earn. Subsidized childcare favors maternal employment for impoverished...Show moreWomen are still lagging behind men regarding their participation in the labor market, full-time employment, and the wages they earn. Subsidized childcare favors maternal employment for impoverished mothers. In Mexico, the largest childcare subsidized program (PEI) was suspended in February 2019, and replaced by an unconditional cash transfer program (CWSP). Using a Fuzzy Regression Discontinuity, Logistic Regressions, and Heckman Correction models, this study seeks to explain the effect of the transition from the PEI to the CWSP on women’s employment rate in Mexico. The study analyzes 1) the sociodemographic characteristics that explain the participation in the PEI and CWSP, and 2) the effect of the programs’ beneficiaries’ rate in women’ labor force participation. The results suggest that the trend in women’s employment rate didn’t change after the PEI ended and was substituted with the CWSP, at least in the short run. As for the programs’ focalization, the PEI did reach its target population, and the CWSP, as derived from the PEI, also reached its target population. Finally, the largest share of women that participate in the labor force is actually in the municipalities where there is a greater share of beneficiaries.Show less
This paper analyzes Mexico’s food consumption patterns and social consequences conditioned by economic changes following the implementation of NAFTA. Market liberalization and foreign investment...Show moreThis paper analyzes Mexico’s food consumption patterns and social consequences conditioned by economic changes following the implementation of NAFTA. Market liberalization and foreign investment have proven to negatively impact public health in Mexico which experiences a steep increase of obesity prevalence and non-communicable diseases. This paper is able to trace the complex relationship between trade, health policy and the nutrition transition.Show less
On the 26th of September in 2014, 43 students of the Ayotzinapa Normal school disappeared after being arrested by the local police of Iguala in Guerrero, a southern state in Mexico. While this...Show moreOn the 26th of September in 2014, 43 students of the Ayotzinapa Normal school disappeared after being arrested by the local police of Iguala in Guerrero, a southern state in Mexico. While this incident is not an isolated case of disappearances in Mexico, Ayotzinapa gained international media attention due to the belief by the Mexican population that then-president Enrique Peña Nieto was involved in the incident. Independent investigations into the case have strengthened these accusations of a state crime, as they were able to gather evidence that contradict the government’s official version of the incident, which holds the Mayor of Iguala and the Drug Trafficking Organization Guerreros Unidos accountable. These contending versions have inhibited the resolving of the case, meaning that the population continues to demand for justice. Peña Nieto finished his term in 2018, leaving his successor, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, to bring justice for the students and managing the state crime accusations. This thesis explores how both presidents have addressed Ayotzinapa and the question of responsibility for it in their presidential discourses. Seeing as it was Peña Nieto who was in office when it happened, it is expected that he takes a different stance to the accusations, in comparison to López Obrador, who is not directly accused of committing the crime. Using the Critical Discourse Analysis framework, the results of this thesis demonstrate that the presidents take similar approaches when responding to the state crime accusations. However, their discourses differ when addressing structural problems that characterize the status-quo in Mexico, such as corruption, impunity and violence.Show less
Illegal oil theft, also referred to as “huachicoleo”, constitutes one of the major policy issues today in Mexico. Although organized crime shapes the contemporary political landscape of the country...Show moreIllegal oil theft, also referred to as “huachicoleo”, constitutes one of the major policy issues today in Mexico. Although organized crime shapes the contemporary political landscape of the country, political science academia has largely failed to research crime and its impact on the state. This thesis particularly investigates the phenomenon of huachicoleo in Mexico and why it has become the new public priority. It draws upon academic contributions from cultural studies, criminology, sociology and political science to provide an alternative narrative about the conflict in Mexico. The thesis proposes that huachicoleo erodes the legitimacy of the Mexican state and poses a threat to the government as such. It emphasizes the agency of non-humans, i.e. the cultural power of oil and the symbolic value of the state-owned oil company PEMEX. Moreover, the thesis looks into the huachicolero subculture, which has developed around the activity of illegal oil theft and shares similarities with narcoculture. It demonstrates how “huachicultura” challenges the state’s legitimacy through its cultural artifacts and actively takes part in the on-going process of the social construction of legitimacy in Mexico. These findings suggest for future research to acknowledge the importance of material objects and non-human entities in conflict situations and how those engage with the human entity as a network of agency.Show less
