In the conventional literature on human-environment relations in the Middle East, the environment is often treated as a dominant variable in explaining adverse social, economic, and political...Show moreIn the conventional literature on human-environment relations in the Middle East, the environment is often treated as a dominant variable in explaining adverse social, economic, and political realities. This deterministic way of interpreting the relationship between the Middle Eastern environment and its inhabitants has been subject to critique from a growing body of literature on political ecology. Although some political ecology research has challenged environmental deterministic assumptions by exploring the role of natural resources in environmental challenges in the Gulf, previous works have not yet provided a comprehensive analysis of various environmental dimensions in a single case study context. This thesis aims to fill this gap in the literature by asking: What is the role of natural resources in engaging with environmental challenges in relation to water, food, and energy in the United Arab Emirates (UAE)? This thesis examines the political-ecological metabolisms of three strategies employed to address environmental challenges in relation to water, energy, and food in the UAE: desalination, solar energy, and land grabs. With an explicit focus on power, this study reveals that humans and nature are intertwined, challenging the conventional academic wisdom.Show less
This thesis is primarily a study of George Baldwin (1743/4-1824), a British merchant and diplomat, and his efforts in developing an overland route through Egypt in the last decades of the...Show moreThis thesis is primarily a study of George Baldwin (1743/4-1824), a British merchant and diplomat, and his efforts in developing an overland route through Egypt in the last decades of the eighteenth century. The significance of the Egyptian overland route in this period has often been overlooked when compared to the later overland mail established by Thomas Waghorn in the 1830s and the Suez Canal. This thesis will provide a reassessment of the overland route’s commercial and geopolitical significance to the British Empire during the period of George Baldwin’s two residencies in Egypt; first as a merchant (1775-1779) and then as the first British Consul-General to Egypt (1786-1798). The growing realisation of the route’s strategic significance by British policymakers, like Henry Dundas, predates the Napoleonic Expedition and will be examined in relation to Baldwin’s consular appointment in 1786. The commercial value of the route will be assessed by looking at the private trade of Baldwin and his associates during both residencies and is something that casts doubt on the traditional view that the Middle East experienced commercial decline in this period. Most significantly, this thesis will focus on the strategic importance of the route to the British position in India. The significance of Egypt increased as the East India Company transitioned into a territorial power in 1770s and 1780s. This meant that Baldwin’s role was a strategic necessity; something shown by a series of case studies on the sieges of Pondicherry in 1778 and 1793 as well as the transfer of Ceylon to the British in 1796.Show less
After a military coup in 1952, the Egyptian Gamal Abdel Nasser developed into the leader of the Arab nationalist movement that was spreading quickly throughout the Middle East. This research will...Show moreAfter a military coup in 1952, the Egyptian Gamal Abdel Nasser developed into the leader of the Arab nationalist movement that was spreading quickly throughout the Middle East. This research will examine how Nasser challenged the pursuit of American Cold War interests in the Middle East. Nasser’s entire period of leadership will be covered: from January 1953 when the coup had just taken place until September 1970 when Nasser died. By means of a very extensive examination of the archival documents of the Foreign Relations of the United States series, this research will show that Nasser, as a powerful leader of a secondary power, was capable of seriously obstructing the pursuit of Middle Eastern interests of a superpower like the United States. Interestingly, this case study of the relations between Nasser and the US interests in the Middle East over the course of 18 years will show that Nasser’s ability to challenge the pursuit of American interests in the Middle East mainly derived from the continued American attempts to get closer to Nasser, even though he proved time and again that he could not be trusted to cooperate with. The Americans apparently valued the influence of powerful secondary powers in the Cold War very highly and therefore put a lot of effort in the attempts to get these powers to align with the American side of the global Cold War rivalry.Show less
This thesis discusses the secular-Islamic feminist paradigm in the Middle East, specifically in Turkey, and the thesis focusses on the current feminist debate between secular and Islamic feminists...Show moreThis thesis discusses the secular-Islamic feminist paradigm in the Middle East, specifically in Turkey, and the thesis focusses on the current feminist debate between secular and Islamic feminists in Turkey.Show less
Research master thesis | Middle Eastern Studies (research) (MA)
open access
2023-01-29T00:00:00Z
During the summer of 1958 Iran, Israel and Turkey concluded a secret agreement to share intelligence data and information gathering techniques. This agreement, the Periphery Pact (‘Pact’), was...Show moreDuring the summer of 1958 Iran, Israel and Turkey concluded a secret agreement to share intelligence data and information gathering techniques. This agreement, the Periphery Pact (‘Pact’), was initiated by Israel who was anxious to establish relationships with countries on the periphery of the ring of hostile Arab countries that encircled it. The Pact signatories, engaged in a diplomatic marketing initiative to sell the Pact to their Cold War sponsor, the United States in the belief that US support for the Pact was beneficial. Existing research tells us little about how the United States reacted to this sales pitch or what US policy was towards the Pact. My research of the US diplomatic archives indicate that the US response to the Periphery Pact arrangements was decidedly lukewarm. This appears inconsistent with US regional policy which was to stimulate the creation of regional defense arrangements by its regional allies to counter Soviet threats to the region. I argue that the response of the United States to the Pact may not be a complete surprise if analyzed in the light of the US response to the Baghdad Pact, a contemporaneous defense arrangement in the region. I also investigate how the US intelligence services reacted to the Pact. This aspect of the US policy towards the Pact is under-researched. This is surprising given Israel’s track record in clandestine diplomacy and its use of its regional intelligence gathering capabilities as an argument when marketing the Periphery Pact to US officials. My research indicates that the CIA displayed more interest in and provided resources to the intelligence sharing mechanism of the Periphery Pact. It may well be that the United States used clandestine diplomacy in parallel, rather than as a substitute, for normal diplomatic channels.Show less
Since Al Jazeera was established, it has had an impact on Qatar’s diplomatic relations, in particular since the Arab Spring. The tensions between Qatar and the other Gulf countries, however, came...Show moreSince Al Jazeera was established, it has had an impact on Qatar’s diplomatic relations, in particular since the Arab Spring. The tensions between Qatar and the other Gulf countries, however, came to a peak during the 2014 and the 2017 Gulf crises. Remarkable, is the central role of Al Jazeera in in these diplomatic crises, while the network is independent and only partly funded by the Qatari government. Therefore, this thesis researches the impact of Al Jazeera on Qatar’s foreign relations. Through within-case analysis and process tracing this thesis illustrates how Al Jazeera, since its establishment, has evolved into a global news network that is considered highly controversial among the other Gulf states. By combining these results with the theories of the CNN-effect and the Al Jazeera effect, this thesis has been able to identify possible reasons why Al Jazeera has been a subject in these diplomatic crises. Lastly, this thesis also proposes an addition to the theory of multilevel analysis that allows for more accurate research into global news networks.Show less
This study investigates the question how migration has shaped the broader relationship between the EU and Egypt between the 2011 Revolution and 2019. It found that migration has profoundly affected...Show moreThis study investigates the question how migration has shaped the broader relationship between the EU and Egypt between the 2011 Revolution and 2019. It found that migration has profoundly affected the bilateral relationship, particularly in the fields of democracy, human rights, development aid and economic cooperation. An analysis of policy documents and (public) statements by officials from the EU and Egypt shows how migration cooperation has made it difficult for the EU to uphold its image as a normative actor. Egypt's efforts to limit irregular migration to the EU are mainly driven by its economic dependency on the EU.Show less
The uprisings of 2011 started in Tunisia and impacted a lot of countries in the Middle East. The consequences can still be seen today. This thesis attempts to approach how these events have...Show moreThe uprisings of 2011 started in Tunisia and impacted a lot of countries in the Middle East. The consequences can still be seen today. This thesis attempts to approach how these events have impacted the cinema industry and in particular the place and representation of women in it.Show less
The geopolitical realignment which took place in the Middle East and North Africa since the uprisings of the Arab Spring has brought about a new manifestation of authoritarian rule in Egypt under...Show moreThe geopolitical realignment which took place in the Middle East and North Africa since the uprisings of the Arab Spring has brought about a new manifestation of authoritarian rule in Egypt under President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi. Egypt is among a growing number of countries around the world governed by a paradoxically open, yet harshly repressive, type of new authoritarianism. At the same time, with the presidency of the former General el-Sisi entering its fifth year, the return to power of Egypt’s military establishment has seen a resumption of the older authoritarian methods used by past Egyptian leaders to quell dissent against the government, and to maintain power generally. This thesis seeks to answer how President el-Sisi’s actions since becoming President in 2014 has led to a hybridization of both classical and new authoritarian theories. Through the significant utilization of the country’s national security apparatus, manipulation of the political and justice systems, and reliance on vast sources of economic aid from the United States, Europe, and the Persian Gulf states, el-Sisi appears to exhibit strategies from both old and new theories of authoritarianism. This thesis demonstrates the Egyptian experience of hybridized authoritarianism by incorporating overviews of authoritarianism generally, discussions of authoritarian theories, scholarly debates, and evidence from Egypt’s national security, legal, judicial, political, economic, and foreign relations sectors. This thesis will lend itself to broader scholarly discussions on authoritarianism in contemporary times, as well as on international relations in the Middle East, and the durability of strongman regimes in the developing world. While this thesis can only provide a secondary overview of Egypt’s recent return to authoritarianism, the researcher hopes it will make a small contribution to the political and foreign policy affairs in a region both rich in history and fraught with conflict.Show less
This thesis analyses the considerations of British officials when arriving at positions on granting sovereignty/ authority to: (i) the Greeks in Smyrna, southwest Anatolia; (ii) the Armenians...Show moreThis thesis analyses the considerations of British officials when arriving at positions on granting sovereignty/ authority to: (i) the Greeks in Smyrna, southwest Anatolia; (ii) the Armenians within north-eastern Anatolia; (iii) the Kurds within south-eastern Anatolia; (iv) and the Kurds within the Mosul vilayet (Southern Kurdistan/ present-day northern Iraq), from 1918-1926. The concepts of “Orientalism” and “civilisation” provide the theoretical basis and are applied to the sources analysed. The thesis argues that Britain’s actions were influenced by the prevailing stereotypes of each people and “civilisation”, but ultimately rooted in political and economic interest. The Paris Peace Conference presented an opportunity to strengthen Britain’s position in the eastern Mediterranean and in the Middle East through support for the design of friendly states and re-drawing the political map of the territory within the former Ottoman empire. Each case was part of the process of erecting a new imperial structure in the Middle East. This new structure was to be based upon the organising principle of ethnic nationalism, as promoted by the Allied powers, including Britain. The British role in each case can be described as: the leading supporter of Greek goals in Anatolia; predominantly a supportive observer of Armenian goals in Anatolia, leaving the French to play the role of lead supporter; a cautiously supportive observer of the Anatolian Kurds with little authority outside of its dictation of the Treaty of Sèvres; and a cautious detractor of the autonomy of southern Kurds, having occupied the Mosul vilayet in 1918 and held full colonial authority over it, experimenting with autonomy but ultimately deciding on its abandonment. By 1926, the goals of the Greeks, Armenians, and Kurds in Anatolia and Southern Kurdistan had not been achieved, and all had withered away in British Middle Eastern policy.Show less
Due to China’s growing industry and their corresponding growing energy requirements in the last couple of decades, the country has reevaluated its foreign policy for the Middle East to secure its...Show moreDue to China’s growing industry and their corresponding growing energy requirements in the last couple of decades, the country has reevaluated its foreign policy for the Middle East to secure its supply of energy. A key factor in the achievement of this goal has been the improvement of relations with oil exporting countries in the Middle East such as Saudi Arabia and Iran. This research analyzes how China has developed relations with the two major rivalling states in the Middle East and what explains the viability of an imbalanced system that is the triangular relation between China, Saudi Arabia, and Iran.Show less
With the boom in the Chinese economy and its increasing influence in the global world order, China adhered to a new strategy that focuses on improving its image in the world by relying solely on...Show moreWith the boom in the Chinese economy and its increasing influence in the global world order, China adhered to a new strategy that focuses on improving its image in the world by relying solely on soft power. China’s soft power strategy in the Middle East is little researched, however, the Middle East is of paramount global importance as the region is the world’s largest energy supplier. This thesis examines China’s soft power strategy and its key objectives in the Middle East through an in-depth analysis focusing on economic, cultural, political and military soft power initiatives. The findings of this research argue that China’s pivot towards the Middle East is primarily driven by its need to secure energy sources, as well as other economic interests. Its influence in the Middle East is rapidly increasing through these various soft power initiatives. Although China’s soft power strategy is mainly focused on economic and cultural soft power initiatives, political and military soft power initiatives have taken a larger focus in recent years. As China is gradually shifting from non-interference to limited-interference in the regions political and security affairs, it is committed to maintain and improve its image, which it attained solely through soft power, by not losing its neutrality while gradually becoming more proactive in the political and security field.Show less
This thesis explores the durability of Libya's authoritarianism before and during the Arab Spring. By using a conceptual framework on Arab authoritarianism, this thesis argues that Gaddafi's system...Show moreThis thesis explores the durability of Libya's authoritarianism before and during the Arab Spring. By using a conceptual framework on Arab authoritarianism, this thesis argues that Gaddafi's system of governance survived for 42 years due to the structure of the state, its economic and foreign policies, and its claims on various forms of nondemocratic legitimacy. The argument is that these elements of Libya's governance resulted in a situation whereby the regime initially was able to withstand mass protests, but that the regime's actions also led to the military intervention that played an important role in the downfall of the regime.Show less
On the 31st of January 2015, a video was released which showed the brutal murder of the Japanese journalist Gotō Kenji at the hands of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria. The killing sent...Show moreOn the 31st of January 2015, a video was released which showed the brutal murder of the Japanese journalist Gotō Kenji at the hands of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria. The killing sent shockwaves throughout the world yet nowhere more so than in Gotō’s homeland. Japan has long maintained a policy of resource diplomacy with key trading partners in the Middle East who have supplied the Japanese economy with the oil that the country has required in order to maintain its regional and global position. However, with the death of Gotō along with his associate Yukawa Haruna, the first Japanese citizens to be executed as a result of the Japanese government’s policy in the Middle East since the end of Japanese involvement in Iraq in 2005, there is a rekindled debate amongst Japan’s leaders that the country must develop its hard power ability in order to be able to assert itself and protect its interests abroad. This thesis investigation will examine Japan’s foreign policy in the Middle East using the case studies of the murders of Gotō Kenji and Kōda Shosei and the backdrop of resource diplomacy. The investigation will be using a constructivist approach in order to provide a theoretical framework that will speculate that the Japanese government is, rather than responding to threats against it, attempting to create a an identity for itself in the region. The conclusion will then ascertain whether the changing situation in the Middle East will force Japan to re-evaluate its interests in the region or whether the instability in the region has, rather than putting Japan’s energy lifeline in jeopardy, been used by its leadership to re-ignite the debate about its need to adopt a more assertive security stance on the global stage and whether Japan, far from being attached to US foreign policy, has in fact been pursuing an entirely separate Middle Eastern policy of its own.Show less
Research master thesis | Middle Eastern Studies (research) (MA)
open access
Debates around water in the MENA region center on its potential for conflict or for cooperation, with predictions of future water wars. Water is presented as a natural resource or an economic or...Show moreDebates around water in the MENA region center on its potential for conflict or for cooperation, with predictions of future water wars. Water is presented as a natural resource or an economic or political commodity. The debate is mostly focused on the international, inter-state scale. In recent years, however, some scholars have argued that a focus on the national or local level would generate more interesting and useful research regarding the importance of water and water management. The Middle East is generally regarded as a very water-scarce and fragile region. Syria, that since the Arab Spring of 2010-2011 has been torn by civil war, is particularly interesting. Water scarcity and climate change have been mentioned in scholarly and popular discourse as possible factors for the Syrian population’s dissent. In this thesis I explore the theoretical and practical political dynamics of water within the paradigm of water as a tool for conflict or cooperation. Through an integrative historical framework I identify four possible political functions of water: water as a tool for diplomacy, development, democracy, or war. Political water management can be conducted at different scalar levels via pragmatic strategies that serve different political agendas. I argue that both the notion of relative availability of water and the appearance of pragmatic strategies in water management must be taken into account in the debate on water. Furthermore, through balancing theory and practice of Syrian water management, both abstract and concrete political dynamics are revealed.Show less
This Thesis focuses on the regional effects of the Saudi regional foreign policy in reaction to the Arab Spring. Establishing the legitimacy of the Saudi regime in the transnational Wahhabi Sunni...Show moreThis Thesis focuses on the regional effects of the Saudi regional foreign policy in reaction to the Arab Spring. Establishing the legitimacy of the Saudi regime in the transnational Wahhabi Sunni Islam, the Arab Spring is viewed as an ideological and existential threat to the regime in Riyadh. On the other hand, the transnational character of the regime’s legitimacy contains the important connection between its survival and its regional foreign policy. These theoretical assumptions justify the Thesis’ focus on the sectarian dimension of the Saudi policies’ effects. As the research shows, continuously blaming Iran for the protests in Bahrain, Egypt, Kuwait, Yemen or Syria and, simultaneously, portraying these protests as a “Shi’a revival”, has reinforced Saudi and regional identification of Iran with Shi’a Muslims’ struggles. Consequentially, Saudi policies have inevitably facilitated the determination of any struggle mainly involving Shi’a, regardless of any sectarian dimension in its nature, as exclusively based on religion and, therefore, unquestionably supported by Iran. In this sense, as well, Saudi actions have determinately layered Middle Eastern conflicts after the Arab Spring with an increasing sectarian tone.Show less
