This thesis is about how Easterners are represented in the Middle East in Old English texts, and what that reveals about how Anglo-Saxons may have perceived the Middle East.
This thesis is primarily a study of George Baldwin (1743/4-1824), a British merchant and diplomat, and his efforts in developing an overland route through Egypt in the last decades of the...Show moreThis thesis is primarily a study of George Baldwin (1743/4-1824), a British merchant and diplomat, and his efforts in developing an overland route through Egypt in the last decades of the eighteenth century. The significance of the Egyptian overland route in this period has often been overlooked when compared to the later overland mail established by Thomas Waghorn in the 1830s and the Suez Canal. This thesis will provide a reassessment of the overland route’s commercial and geopolitical significance to the British Empire during the period of George Baldwin’s two residencies in Egypt; first as a merchant (1775-1779) and then as the first British Consul-General to Egypt (1786-1798). The growing realisation of the route’s strategic significance by British policymakers, like Henry Dundas, predates the Napoleonic Expedition and will be examined in relation to Baldwin’s consular appointment in 1786. The commercial value of the route will be assessed by looking at the private trade of Baldwin and his associates during both residencies and is something that casts doubt on the traditional view that the Middle East experienced commercial decline in this period. Most significantly, this thesis will focus on the strategic importance of the route to the British position in India. The significance of Egypt increased as the East India Company transitioned into a territorial power in 1770s and 1780s. This meant that Baldwin’s role was a strategic necessity; something shown by a series of case studies on the sieges of Pondicherry in 1778 and 1793 as well as the transfer of Ceylon to the British in 1796.Show less
After a military coup in 1952, the Egyptian Gamal Abdel Nasser developed into the leader of the Arab nationalist movement that was spreading quickly throughout the Middle East. This research will...Show moreAfter a military coup in 1952, the Egyptian Gamal Abdel Nasser developed into the leader of the Arab nationalist movement that was spreading quickly throughout the Middle East. This research will examine how Nasser challenged the pursuit of American Cold War interests in the Middle East. Nasser’s entire period of leadership will be covered: from January 1953 when the coup had just taken place until September 1970 when Nasser died. By means of a very extensive examination of the archival documents of the Foreign Relations of the United States series, this research will show that Nasser, as a powerful leader of a secondary power, was capable of seriously obstructing the pursuit of Middle Eastern interests of a superpower like the United States. Interestingly, this case study of the relations between Nasser and the US interests in the Middle East over the course of 18 years will show that Nasser’s ability to challenge the pursuit of American interests in the Middle East mainly derived from the continued American attempts to get closer to Nasser, even though he proved time and again that he could not be trusted to cooperate with. The Americans apparently valued the influence of powerful secondary powers in the Cold War very highly and therefore put a lot of effort in the attempts to get these powers to align with the American side of the global Cold War rivalry.Show less
The current international order, the Liberal International Order, has become increasingly unpopular both in the Global North and South. There are multiple factors that are to blame for this like...Show moreThe current international order, the Liberal International Order, has become increasingly unpopular both in the Global North and South. There are multiple factors that are to blame for this like the effects of neoliberalism or a feeling of exclusion for the countries that diver from being a liberal democracy. At the same time, China's unorthodox rise has proven to the world that a country does not need to be a liberal democracy to succeed. Therefore, China is creating a system that would enable more diversity for the Global South. One important region that might switch from the current system to China's alternative is the Middle East. The Middle East will benefit more from China since they are investing billions of dollars in the Middle East through the Belt and Road Initiative projects. At the same time, the Middle East will not have to comply with Western values anymore which will create both benefits and implications for the region in the future.Show less
A review of the literature on the Russo-Iranian relationship identifies a widening mismatch between expectations and reality. Scholarly expectations highlight a propensity of conflict, based upon...Show moreA review of the literature on the Russo-Iranian relationship identifies a widening mismatch between expectations and reality. Scholarly expectations highlight a propensity of conflict, based upon traditional security considerations resulting in a definition of the Russo-Iranian relationship that is instrumental, limited, and asymmetric – an ‘axis of convenience’. However, the last decade reveals that both Russia and Iran have been able to consolidate their bilateral security ties despite apparent clashes and historical mistrust. Contributing to constructivist scholarship, this thesis engages with international recognition to gain insight into the ideational and normative underpinnings of the Russo-Iranian partnership, in order to provide a new take upon the question why, and to what extent, the partnership does work – instead of why it does not, or will not, work. A constructivist analysis of international recognition and misrecognition has been conducted to answer this thesis’ main research question: What are the ideational underpinnings driving the Russo-Iranian security congruence? The findings in this thesis provide a balanced and contextualized account of both powers’ foreign policies and give greater attention to the forces of congruence shaping the Russo-Iranian partnership in the Middle East and beyond.Show less
Research master thesis | Middle Eastern Studies (research) (MA)
open access
2023-01-29T00:00:00Z
During the summer of 1958 Iran, Israel and Turkey concluded a secret agreement to share intelligence data and information gathering techniques. This agreement, the Periphery Pact (‘Pact’), was...Show moreDuring the summer of 1958 Iran, Israel and Turkey concluded a secret agreement to share intelligence data and information gathering techniques. This agreement, the Periphery Pact (‘Pact’), was initiated by Israel who was anxious to establish relationships with countries on the periphery of the ring of hostile Arab countries that encircled it. The Pact signatories, engaged in a diplomatic marketing initiative to sell the Pact to their Cold War sponsor, the United States in the belief that US support for the Pact was beneficial. Existing research tells us little about how the United States reacted to this sales pitch or what US policy was towards the Pact. My research of the US diplomatic archives indicate that the US response to the Periphery Pact arrangements was decidedly lukewarm. This appears inconsistent with US regional policy which was to stimulate the creation of regional defense arrangements by its regional allies to counter Soviet threats to the region. I argue that the response of the United States to the Pact may not be a complete surprise if analyzed in the light of the US response to the Baghdad Pact, a contemporaneous defense arrangement in the region. I also investigate how the US intelligence services reacted to the Pact. This aspect of the US policy towards the Pact is under-researched. This is surprising given Israel’s track record in clandestine diplomacy and its use of its regional intelligence gathering capabilities as an argument when marketing the Periphery Pact to US officials. My research indicates that the CIA displayed more interest in and provided resources to the intelligence sharing mechanism of the Periphery Pact. It may well be that the United States used clandestine diplomacy in parallel, rather than as a substitute, for normal diplomatic channels.Show less
This thesis proposes the ancient Chinese philosophy of Confucianism as an analytical lens to study Chinese foreign policy. The need for a framework consisting of Confucian teachings emerges from...Show moreThis thesis proposes the ancient Chinese philosophy of Confucianism as an analytical lens to study Chinese foreign policy. The need for a framework consisting of Confucian teachings emerges from the limited perspectives mainstream Western IR can offer to the theories evolving around the rise of China. There is value in looking at Chinese foreign relations through Confucianism because it shows cultural and social behavioural aspects, which govern Chinese society, and thus, contributes a different approach to the study of IR. The presented case study of China’s foreign policy toward the Middle East takes into account context specific, relational elements in order to obtain valuable insights. By applying a framework consisting of Confucian teachings on governance, order, and relationship, this thesis demonstrates an interpretation of Chinese foreign policy that has been disregarded by mainstream Western IR scholarship until now.Show less
Russia's foreign policy towards the Middle East bears a strinking resemblance to its strategy for gaining power in Central Asia. In both regions, Russia uses its capacity for protecting countries...Show moreRussia's foreign policy towards the Middle East bears a strinking resemblance to its strategy for gaining power in Central Asia. In both regions, Russia uses its capacity for protecting countries from threats through military cooperation,conflict mediation and anti-interventionism to gain influence.Show less
This thesis identifies three criteria to determine when democracy promotion succeeds. These criteria will then be applied to the case study of United States’ democracy promotion in Iraq after 9/11....Show moreThis thesis identifies three criteria to determine when democracy promotion succeeds. These criteria will then be applied to the case study of United States’ democracy promotion in Iraq after 9/11. In the following chapters, this thesis argues that democracy cannot just be planted somewhere and thrive, but that it is a long and complex process that requires a civil society which is supportive of democracy. The US approach to democracy promotion in Iraq was deeply flawed – not taking into account the local realities of a deeply divided society. American assumptions that civil society could be developed smoothly and without problems proved false in Iraq, a country which has virtually no experience with democracy. Furthermore, this thesis will argue that Iraq was not receptive to democracy because of historical experiences, low American credibility and general anti-Western sentiments (as a result of British colonial rule and prior American interventionism in the Middle East).Show less
Since Al Jazeera was established, it has had an impact on Qatar’s diplomatic relations, in particular since the Arab Spring. The tensions between Qatar and the other Gulf countries, however, came...Show moreSince Al Jazeera was established, it has had an impact on Qatar’s diplomatic relations, in particular since the Arab Spring. The tensions between Qatar and the other Gulf countries, however, came to a peak during the 2014 and the 2017 Gulf crises. Remarkable, is the central role of Al Jazeera in in these diplomatic crises, while the network is independent and only partly funded by the Qatari government. Therefore, this thesis researches the impact of Al Jazeera on Qatar’s foreign relations. Through within-case analysis and process tracing this thesis illustrates how Al Jazeera, since its establishment, has evolved into a global news network that is considered highly controversial among the other Gulf states. By combining these results with the theories of the CNN-effect and the Al Jazeera effect, this thesis has been able to identify possible reasons why Al Jazeera has been a subject in these diplomatic crises. Lastly, this thesis also proposes an addition to the theory of multilevel analysis that allows for more accurate research into global news networks.Show less
The present Bachelor thesis looks at why refugees of Palestinian origin are treated differently from all other refugees and how this affects their rights. Palestinian refugees are the only group...Show moreThe present Bachelor thesis looks at why refugees of Palestinian origin are treated differently from all other refugees and how this affects their rights. Palestinian refugees are the only group that has been specifically excluded from the protection and the rights stipulated in the 1951 Refugee Convention. Although their ongoing displacement clearly constitutes a protracted refugee situation, Palestinian refugees do not respond to three-step solution that the UNHCR pursues in such situations: assimilation, resettlement or repatriation. By resolution 194 the United Nations in 1948 enshrined the right of return for the Palestinian refugees and created a dedicated agency, the Conciliation Commission on Palestine (UNCCP), to assure the collective rights of Palestinians. The UNCCP has become obsolete over the years without being formally abandoned and the UNRWA, the Relief and Works Agency that is tasked with the delivery humanitarian assistance is facing increasing restrictions. Being tied to weak organisations that were meant to offer some sort of protection, many Palestinian refugees today have to face the dilemma that only collective rights, as stipulated in resolution 194, preserve their right of return. Upholding this collective claim means that they have to no access to individual rights and thus suffer from a protection gap that is ever growing.Show less
This paper seeks to aid in the accountability process for private military and security companies by providing clarity as to whom these companies should be rendered accountable. The dissertation...Show moreThis paper seeks to aid in the accountability process for private military and security companies by providing clarity as to whom these companies should be rendered accountable. The dissertation makes use of an adapted version of Bovens’ Framework for Accountability, incorporating five different forms of accountability – political, legal, professional, social, and economic. Through the application of this framework onto two case studies of Wagner Group in Syria and Blackwater USA in Iraq, it is evident that the use of limited accountability through only one or two forms of accountability is insufficient. It was found that in order for PMSCs to be rendered accountable to an unbiased independent body as suggested by this author, all forms of accountability should be used simultaneously. This paper further examines reiterating the importance of the oft-neglected social accountability, and how the role of morality at the human and public opinion level can shape the way in which regulatory measures apply. Through these findings, this thesis recommends the implementation of a series of new legislative measures, which utilise a multi-pronged approach incorporating not only legal methods, but social, political, professional, and economic measuresShow less
Through a comprehensive analysis of the news coverage on the Syrian war by The Guardian, The Washington Post and The New York Times, the role of the media is assessed. The textual analysis was...Show moreThrough a comprehensive analysis of the news coverage on the Syrian war by The Guardian, The Washington Post and The New York Times, the role of the media is assessed. The textual analysis was carried out on almost 5000 articles from the three outlets. It thus explores the possibility of technical tools to analyse the coverage and discourse of the media.Show less
This thesis discusses natural resource exploitation in the Western-Sahara through 3 themes: international organization, Morocco's elite & international capital.
Environmental issues are becoming increasingly pressuring, and in the Middle Eastern context, formal politics and legal regulations have been insufficient to achieve significant improvements for...Show moreEnvironmental issues are becoming increasingly pressuring, and in the Middle Eastern context, formal politics and legal regulations have been insufficient to achieve significant improvements for environmental protection. Civil society organisations such as a NGOs are thus crucial actors in this context. Since they work on a voluntary basis and aim to persuade and mobilise the population, their success depends heavily on the attitudes and beliefs of their audience. Therefore, this thesis discusses the potential of Green Islam for environmental NGOs in Jordan by identifying important aspects that are particular to faith-based environmental activism and applying them to the context of Jordan. It finds that faith-based environmental activism can be helpful for framing, as it renders the issues more relatable to the audience, and provides the organisations with legitimacy derived from a religious discourse. Furthermore, faith-based environmentalism anchors environmental values more deeply on an individual level, which, it is argued, creates stronger incentives for action. Therefore, given the strong presence of Islam in the Jordanian political and societal discourse, the thesis concludes that Green Islam can be valuable for environmental activism in Jordan.Show less
In this thesis the influence of the Israel lobby group on the relationship between Israel and the United States is examined. subsequently, the dependency of Israel on the US is analysed, as this...Show moreIn this thesis the influence of the Israel lobby group on the relationship between Israel and the United States is examined. subsequently, the dependency of Israel on the US is analysed, as this will correlate with the influence of the Israel lobby group.Show less
Since 2011, the political arena of the Middle East has transformed dramatically by the events known as the “Arab Spring. After years of deep-rooted authoritarianism and autocratic rule, citizens of...Show moreSince 2011, the political arena of the Middle East has transformed dramatically by the events known as the “Arab Spring. After years of deep-rooted authoritarianism and autocratic rule, citizens of many states in the region took to the streets in attempting to embark on a process that would democratize their nation. Scholars argue over the exact reasons for the uprisings, however, consensus exists over the fact that it stems from political, economic, and social dissatisfaction. The revolts started in Tunisia and set a chain reaction in motion, eventually reaching the shores of Gulf Cooperation Council, an economic and political union comprising of the Arabian Gulf States of Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, and the United Arab Emirates. Although the kingdoms of the Arabian Gulf are rather similar in their socio-economic and political build-up, the GCC witnessed both minor and major uprisings kind of revolt and the respective nations responded in different manners to its domestic uprisings. This BA thesis seeks to create a detailed analysis of the distinct nature of the uprisings that took place within the borders of the GCC. Most GCC members experienced some sort of public unrest one way or another with Bahrain and Oman witnessing persistent violent street protests. After doing preliminary readings, it has become clear that the GCC-states can be divided into three different groups based on the intensity of the riots as well as the governments’ responses to the demands of its citizens. The first group consists of those countries that witnessed enduring riots resulting in the deaths among its citizens, like Bahrain, Oman, and Saudi Arabia. The second group of nations consists of those which experienced minor protests that did not result in any deaths among protestors. The only country fitting into this group is Kuwait. Lastly, the governments of both Qatar and the United Arab Emirates did not have to deal with domestic uprisings, however, there was some unrest, especially through online activism. Specifically, my research will attempt to disclose the plausibilities behind the distinct levels of intensity of the civil uprisings which took place in these structurally similar kingdoms. The presence of the rentier state undoubtedly plays a crucial role in the lives of GCC citizens as well as in the preamble of the uprisings in the GCC, however, the question regarding the rationale behind citizens’ discontent as well as the intensity of governments’ counteractions remains. The research for this BA thesis aims at assessing sources through means of qualitative research by examining reports, news articles, nevertheless focussing on engaging with the academic literature on the topic. By analyzing these sources, I will be able to draw analogies and comprehend the discrepancies which took place during the Arab Spring’s civil uprisings in the GCC. Moreover, my thesis will evaluate GCC member states’ different sorts of uprisings and their dissimilar responses to the revolts within their own physical and symbolic space. Additionally, the paper discloses the GCC’s revolts and respective reactions without delving into the main causes of the Arab Spring. The paper is structured as follows. The first section will introduce the GCC’s socio-political climate, the concept of the rentier state, and its usefulness to describe the rationale behind the discrepancies between the civil uprisings in each different country. The central part of the thesis will discuss the GCC’s the dissimilarity in the civil uprisings’ intensities as well as the unalike approach governments took regarding their citizens’ demands. The final section will reveal the research’s findings and draw several conclusions. In addition to this, a prediction will be made for the future based on the reactions and concessions made by governments at the time of the uprisings and whether this will prove beneficial in the long-term.Show less
