After a military coup in 1952, the Egyptian Gamal Abdel Nasser developed into the leader of the Arab nationalist movement that was spreading quickly throughout the Middle East. This research will...Show moreAfter a military coup in 1952, the Egyptian Gamal Abdel Nasser developed into the leader of the Arab nationalist movement that was spreading quickly throughout the Middle East. This research will examine how Nasser challenged the pursuit of American Cold War interests in the Middle East. Nasser’s entire period of leadership will be covered: from January 1953 when the coup had just taken place until September 1970 when Nasser died. By means of a very extensive examination of the archival documents of the Foreign Relations of the United States series, this research will show that Nasser, as a powerful leader of a secondary power, was capable of seriously obstructing the pursuit of Middle Eastern interests of a superpower like the United States. Interestingly, this case study of the relations between Nasser and the US interests in the Middle East over the course of 18 years will show that Nasser’s ability to challenge the pursuit of American interests in the Middle East mainly derived from the continued American attempts to get closer to Nasser, even though he proved time and again that he could not be trusted to cooperate with. The Americans apparently valued the influence of powerful secondary powers in the Cold War very highly and therefore put a lot of effort in the attempts to get these powers to align with the American side of the global Cold War rivalry.Show less
A review of the literature on the Russo-Iranian relationship identifies a widening mismatch between expectations and reality. Scholarly expectations highlight a propensity of conflict, based upon...Show moreA review of the literature on the Russo-Iranian relationship identifies a widening mismatch between expectations and reality. Scholarly expectations highlight a propensity of conflict, based upon traditional security considerations resulting in a definition of the Russo-Iranian relationship that is instrumental, limited, and asymmetric – an ‘axis of convenience’. However, the last decade reveals that both Russia and Iran have been able to consolidate their bilateral security ties despite apparent clashes and historical mistrust. Contributing to constructivist scholarship, this thesis engages with international recognition to gain insight into the ideational and normative underpinnings of the Russo-Iranian partnership, in order to provide a new take upon the question why, and to what extent, the partnership does work – instead of why it does not, or will not, work. A constructivist analysis of international recognition and misrecognition has been conducted to answer this thesis’ main research question: What are the ideational underpinnings driving the Russo-Iranian security congruence? The findings in this thesis provide a balanced and contextualized account of both powers’ foreign policies and give greater attention to the forces of congruence shaping the Russo-Iranian partnership in the Middle East and beyond.Show less
Since Al Jazeera was established, it has had an impact on Qatar’s diplomatic relations, in particular since the Arab Spring. The tensions between Qatar and the other Gulf countries, however, came...Show moreSince Al Jazeera was established, it has had an impact on Qatar’s diplomatic relations, in particular since the Arab Spring. The tensions between Qatar and the other Gulf countries, however, came to a peak during the 2014 and the 2017 Gulf crises. Remarkable, is the central role of Al Jazeera in in these diplomatic crises, while the network is independent and only partly funded by the Qatari government. Therefore, this thesis researches the impact of Al Jazeera on Qatar’s foreign relations. Through within-case analysis and process tracing this thesis illustrates how Al Jazeera, since its establishment, has evolved into a global news network that is considered highly controversial among the other Gulf states. By combining these results with the theories of the CNN-effect and the Al Jazeera effect, this thesis has been able to identify possible reasons why Al Jazeera has been a subject in these diplomatic crises. Lastly, this thesis also proposes an addition to the theory of multilevel analysis that allows for more accurate research into global news networks.Show less
This thesis explores Saudi Arabia’s power behavior towards Lebanon in order to explore the pattern of Saudi Arabia’s waning influence. After all, it is among the most powerful regional actors and...Show moreThis thesis explores Saudi Arabia’s power behavior towards Lebanon in order to explore the pattern of Saudi Arabia’s waning influence. After all, it is among the most powerful regional actors and wields immense financial as well as religious resources compared to lightweight Lebanon. Nevertheless, Saudi action in Lebanon backfires seemingly frequently, either strengthening its opponents or weakening its allies. It is argued that Saudi Arabia is very capable of using their economic might in Lebanon; however, the more they strangle Lebanon the more likely Lebanon is to fall into Iran’s open arms. This, in turn, hurts Saudi Arabia’s overarching goal of regional influence and limiting Iran’s expansionism. On top of that, Saudi’s credibility, trust and legitimacy were thwarted after the 2009 elections and especially after the 2017 Hariri debacle in Lebanon. While prioritizing immediate national interest is natural for any country, Saudi Arabia’s policies disregarded the Lebanese target population’s perception and failed to achieve its regional interest with regards to pushing back Iranian influence. Hence, its prematurely hard power-driven policy pushed its allies away into the open arms of Iran. Saudi Arabia indeed has immense soft power resources, which, however, it has been largely ineffective in utilizing thus far. After all, it has become evident that despite its small size, Lebanon is the stage for regional power play. If Saudi Arabia continues to employ such a miscalculated policy, it will threaten its regional standing despite its immense, yet waning, economic might. Consequently, an unbalanced use of soft and hard power behavior of Saudi Arabia results in a cost inefficient foreign policy. Instead of self-defeating its efforts, it should be in Saudi’s self-serving interest to winning the hearts and minds of the people for effective power conversion and a strong standing to challenge Iran.Show less
The geopolitical realignment which took place in the Middle East and North Africa since the uprisings of the Arab Spring has brought about a new manifestation of authoritarian rule in Egypt under...Show moreThe geopolitical realignment which took place in the Middle East and North Africa since the uprisings of the Arab Spring has brought about a new manifestation of authoritarian rule in Egypt under President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi. Egypt is among a growing number of countries around the world governed by a paradoxically open, yet harshly repressive, type of new authoritarianism. At the same time, with the presidency of the former General el-Sisi entering its fifth year, the return to power of Egypt’s military establishment has seen a resumption of the older authoritarian methods used by past Egyptian leaders to quell dissent against the government, and to maintain power generally. This thesis seeks to answer how President el-Sisi’s actions since becoming President in 2014 has led to a hybridization of both classical and new authoritarian theories. Through the significant utilization of the country’s national security apparatus, manipulation of the political and justice systems, and reliance on vast sources of economic aid from the United States, Europe, and the Persian Gulf states, el-Sisi appears to exhibit strategies from both old and new theories of authoritarianism. This thesis demonstrates the Egyptian experience of hybridized authoritarianism by incorporating overviews of authoritarianism generally, discussions of authoritarian theories, scholarly debates, and evidence from Egypt’s national security, legal, judicial, political, economic, and foreign relations sectors. This thesis will lend itself to broader scholarly discussions on authoritarianism in contemporary times, as well as on international relations in the Middle East, and the durability of strongman regimes in the developing world. While this thesis can only provide a secondary overview of Egypt’s recent return to authoritarianism, the researcher hopes it will make a small contribution to the political and foreign policy affairs in a region both rich in history and fraught with conflict.Show less
This thesis analyses the considerations of British officials when arriving at positions on granting sovereignty/ authority to: (i) the Greeks in Smyrna, southwest Anatolia; (ii) the Armenians...Show moreThis thesis analyses the considerations of British officials when arriving at positions on granting sovereignty/ authority to: (i) the Greeks in Smyrna, southwest Anatolia; (ii) the Armenians within north-eastern Anatolia; (iii) the Kurds within south-eastern Anatolia; (iv) and the Kurds within the Mosul vilayet (Southern Kurdistan/ present-day northern Iraq), from 1918-1926. The concepts of “Orientalism” and “civilisation” provide the theoretical basis and are applied to the sources analysed. The thesis argues that Britain’s actions were influenced by the prevailing stereotypes of each people and “civilisation”, but ultimately rooted in political and economic interest. The Paris Peace Conference presented an opportunity to strengthen Britain’s position in the eastern Mediterranean and in the Middle East through support for the design of friendly states and re-drawing the political map of the territory within the former Ottoman empire. Each case was part of the process of erecting a new imperial structure in the Middle East. This new structure was to be based upon the organising principle of ethnic nationalism, as promoted by the Allied powers, including Britain. The British role in each case can be described as: the leading supporter of Greek goals in Anatolia; predominantly a supportive observer of Armenian goals in Anatolia, leaving the French to play the role of lead supporter; a cautiously supportive observer of the Anatolian Kurds with little authority outside of its dictation of the Treaty of Sèvres; and a cautious detractor of the autonomy of southern Kurds, having occupied the Mosul vilayet in 1918 and held full colonial authority over it, experimenting with autonomy but ultimately deciding on its abandonment. By 1926, the goals of the Greeks, Armenians, and Kurds in Anatolia and Southern Kurdistan had not been achieved, and all had withered away in British Middle Eastern policy.Show less
The Syrian civil war has been one of the most protracted and severe conflicts in the Middle East in recent decades. Through this conflict, Syria has become the hub in regional conflicts,...Show moreThe Syrian civil war has been one of the most protracted and severe conflicts in the Middle East in recent decades. Through this conflict, Syria has become the hub in regional conflicts, geopolitical strife and sectarian violence. This thesis examines the European Union's response to this complex conflict through a neorealist lens and a detailed discussion of European policy throughout the years.Show less
With the boom in the Chinese economy and its increasing influence in the global world order, China adhered to a new strategy that focuses on improving its image in the world by relying solely on...Show moreWith the boom in the Chinese economy and its increasing influence in the global world order, China adhered to a new strategy that focuses on improving its image in the world by relying solely on soft power. China’s soft power strategy in the Middle East is little researched, however, the Middle East is of paramount global importance as the region is the world’s largest energy supplier. This thesis examines China’s soft power strategy and its key objectives in the Middle East through an in-depth analysis focusing on economic, cultural, political and military soft power initiatives. The findings of this research argue that China’s pivot towards the Middle East is primarily driven by its need to secure energy sources, as well as other economic interests. Its influence in the Middle East is rapidly increasing through these various soft power initiatives. Although China’s soft power strategy is mainly focused on economic and cultural soft power initiatives, political and military soft power initiatives have taken a larger focus in recent years. As China is gradually shifting from non-interference to limited-interference in the regions political and security affairs, it is committed to maintain and improve its image, which it attained solely through soft power, by not losing its neutrality while gradually becoming more proactive in the political and security field.Show less
This thesis explores the durability of Libya's authoritarianism before and during the Arab Spring. By using a conceptual framework on Arab authoritarianism, this thesis argues that Gaddafi's system...Show moreThis thesis explores the durability of Libya's authoritarianism before and during the Arab Spring. By using a conceptual framework on Arab authoritarianism, this thesis argues that Gaddafi's system of governance survived for 42 years due to the structure of the state, its economic and foreign policies, and its claims on various forms of nondemocratic legitimacy. The argument is that these elements of Libya's governance resulted in a situation whereby the regime initially was able to withstand mass protests, but that the regime's actions also led to the military intervention that played an important role in the downfall of the regime.Show less
On the 31st of January 2015, a video was released which showed the brutal murder of the Japanese journalist Gotō Kenji at the hands of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria. The killing sent...Show moreOn the 31st of January 2015, a video was released which showed the brutal murder of the Japanese journalist Gotō Kenji at the hands of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria. The killing sent shockwaves throughout the world yet nowhere more so than in Gotō’s homeland. Japan has long maintained a policy of resource diplomacy with key trading partners in the Middle East who have supplied the Japanese economy with the oil that the country has required in order to maintain its regional and global position. However, with the death of Gotō along with his associate Yukawa Haruna, the first Japanese citizens to be executed as a result of the Japanese government’s policy in the Middle East since the end of Japanese involvement in Iraq in 2005, there is a rekindled debate amongst Japan’s leaders that the country must develop its hard power ability in order to be able to assert itself and protect its interests abroad. This thesis investigation will examine Japan’s foreign policy in the Middle East using the case studies of the murders of Gotō Kenji and Kōda Shosei and the backdrop of resource diplomacy. The investigation will be using a constructivist approach in order to provide a theoretical framework that will speculate that the Japanese government is, rather than responding to threats against it, attempting to create a an identity for itself in the region. The conclusion will then ascertain whether the changing situation in the Middle East will force Japan to re-evaluate its interests in the region or whether the instability in the region has, rather than putting Japan’s energy lifeline in jeopardy, been used by its leadership to re-ignite the debate about its need to adopt a more assertive security stance on the global stage and whether Japan, far from being attached to US foreign policy, has in fact been pursuing an entirely separate Middle Eastern policy of its own.Show less
This Thesis focuses on the regional effects of the Saudi regional foreign policy in reaction to the Arab Spring. Establishing the legitimacy of the Saudi regime in the transnational Wahhabi Sunni...Show moreThis Thesis focuses on the regional effects of the Saudi regional foreign policy in reaction to the Arab Spring. Establishing the legitimacy of the Saudi regime in the transnational Wahhabi Sunni Islam, the Arab Spring is viewed as an ideological and existential threat to the regime in Riyadh. On the other hand, the transnational character of the regime’s legitimacy contains the important connection between its survival and its regional foreign policy. These theoretical assumptions justify the Thesis’ focus on the sectarian dimension of the Saudi policies’ effects. As the research shows, continuously blaming Iran for the protests in Bahrain, Egypt, Kuwait, Yemen or Syria and, simultaneously, portraying these protests as a “Shi’a revival”, has reinforced Saudi and regional identification of Iran with Shi’a Muslims’ struggles. Consequentially, Saudi policies have inevitably facilitated the determination of any struggle mainly involving Shi’a, regardless of any sectarian dimension in its nature, as exclusively based on religion and, therefore, unquestionably supported by Iran. In this sense, as well, Saudi actions have determinately layered Middle Eastern conflicts after the Arab Spring with an increasing sectarian tone.Show less
