In this thesis the influence of the Israel lobby group on the relationship between Israel and the United States is examined. subsequently, the dependency of Israel on the US is analysed, as this...Show moreIn this thesis the influence of the Israel lobby group on the relationship between Israel and the United States is examined. subsequently, the dependency of Israel on the US is analysed, as this will correlate with the influence of the Israel lobby group.Show less
Since 2011, the political arena of the Middle East has transformed dramatically by the events known as the “Arab Spring. After years of deep-rooted authoritarianism and autocratic rule, citizens of...Show moreSince 2011, the political arena of the Middle East has transformed dramatically by the events known as the “Arab Spring. After years of deep-rooted authoritarianism and autocratic rule, citizens of many states in the region took to the streets in attempting to embark on a process that would democratize their nation. Scholars argue over the exact reasons for the uprisings, however, consensus exists over the fact that it stems from political, economic, and social dissatisfaction. The revolts started in Tunisia and set a chain reaction in motion, eventually reaching the shores of Gulf Cooperation Council, an economic and political union comprising of the Arabian Gulf States of Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, and the United Arab Emirates. Although the kingdoms of the Arabian Gulf are rather similar in their socio-economic and political build-up, the GCC witnessed both minor and major uprisings kind of revolt and the respective nations responded in different manners to its domestic uprisings. This BA thesis seeks to create a detailed analysis of the distinct nature of the uprisings that took place within the borders of the GCC. Most GCC members experienced some sort of public unrest one way or another with Bahrain and Oman witnessing persistent violent street protests. After doing preliminary readings, it has become clear that the GCC-states can be divided into three different groups based on the intensity of the riots as well as the governments’ responses to the demands of its citizens. The first group consists of those countries that witnessed enduring riots resulting in the deaths among its citizens, like Bahrain, Oman, and Saudi Arabia. The second group of nations consists of those which experienced minor protests that did not result in any deaths among protestors. The only country fitting into this group is Kuwait. Lastly, the governments of both Qatar and the United Arab Emirates did not have to deal with domestic uprisings, however, there was some unrest, especially through online activism. Specifically, my research will attempt to disclose the plausibilities behind the distinct levels of intensity of the civil uprisings which took place in these structurally similar kingdoms. The presence of the rentier state undoubtedly plays a crucial role in the lives of GCC citizens as well as in the preamble of the uprisings in the GCC, however, the question regarding the rationale behind citizens’ discontent as well as the intensity of governments’ counteractions remains. The research for this BA thesis aims at assessing sources through means of qualitative research by examining reports, news articles, nevertheless focussing on engaging with the academic literature on the topic. By analyzing these sources, I will be able to draw analogies and comprehend the discrepancies which took place during the Arab Spring’s civil uprisings in the GCC. Moreover, my thesis will evaluate GCC member states’ different sorts of uprisings and their dissimilar responses to the revolts within their own physical and symbolic space. Additionally, the paper discloses the GCC’s revolts and respective reactions without delving into the main causes of the Arab Spring. The paper is structured as follows. The first section will introduce the GCC’s socio-political climate, the concept of the rentier state, and its usefulness to describe the rationale behind the discrepancies between the civil uprisings in each different country. The central part of the thesis will discuss the GCC’s the dissimilarity in the civil uprisings’ intensities as well as the unalike approach governments took regarding their citizens’ demands. The final section will reveal the research’s findings and draw several conclusions. In addition to this, a prediction will be made for the future based on the reactions and concessions made by governments at the time of the uprisings and whether this will prove beneficial in the long-term.Show less
Public diplomacy is a relatively new tool in foreign relations and the United States was late to the table when it came to using it. This thesis aims to investigate the public diplomacy tools...Show morePublic diplomacy is a relatively new tool in foreign relations and the United States was late to the table when it came to using it. This thesis aims to investigate the public diplomacy tools deployed by the Bush administration during the War on Terror. Through performing a critical discourse analysis and focussing on Afghanistan and Iraq specifically, it answers the questions: What were the core objectives for the Bush Administration to start and continue the War on Terror? How were tools of public diplomacy deployed to reach these objectives? And which values were the most prevalent in this? It was found that the core objectives for the War on Terror were self-defense and the protection and promotion of human rights. In order to reach these objectives, the Bush administration used speeches and educational programs as a tool to spread their message abroad. Moreover, the values that drove the public diplomacy campaign were democracy and freedom, which have both been at the core of American society for centuries. Further research on the topic should focus on the reception of the tools by the Arab population and determine the effectiveness of public diplomacy by the Bush administration.Show less
This paper examines the women’s formal employment in the Tunisian economy during the period 1990-2010. This is done by a cross-sectoral analysis in various economic sectors. This thesis reflects...Show moreThis paper examines the women’s formal employment in the Tunisian economy during the period 1990-2010. This is done by a cross-sectoral analysis in various economic sectors. This thesis reflects not only on trends in the Tunisian labour market in regards to females, but it takes into account different industries and why or why not females have integrated into them. Furthermore, features of each industry in regards to women are described. Developments such as the type of working contracts, hours of work, wages, the social status of the given job, required skill sets and educational attainments are considered in this analysis.Show less
The economic impacts of tourism have been discussed widely, but mostly through the Tourism-led growth hypothesis. That is why; this thesis will contrast two viewpoints that I apply to the tourism...Show moreThe economic impacts of tourism have been discussed widely, but mostly through the Tourism-led growth hypothesis. That is why; this thesis will contrast two viewpoints that I apply to the tourism industry, which are the tourism-led growth hypothesis and the resource curse approach. Tunisia will be a useful case study because it epitomizes the debate on tourism due to its colonial history and the fact that its mass tourism development was centred on the well-known ‘sun, sand, sea’ package. The positive economic impacts of tourism, but also the costs of tourism will be analysed by the means of answering the following research question: How has mass tourism influenced the economic development of Tunisia since the late 1980s?. The purpose of this thesis is to research and understand the development and the economic impacts of the tourism industry in Tunisia. The theoretical framework will give an overview of the literature regarding the various perspectives on tourism. The conclusions drawn from this research provide insights into the positive economic impacts of the development of the tourism sector in Tunisia. I will also demonstrate throughout my thesis that there are constraining factors to the economic development of the industry. This implies that Tunisia could upscale its economic benefits from this sector. The aims of the research are to give recommendations to Tunisian policy-makers, and to suggest further research on the cross-sectoral linkages between tourism and the agricultural sector.Show less
The uprisings of 2011 started in Tunisia and impacted a lot of countries in the Middle East. The consequences can still be seen today. This thesis attempts to approach how these events have...Show moreThe uprisings of 2011 started in Tunisia and impacted a lot of countries in the Middle East. The consequences can still be seen today. This thesis attempts to approach how these events have impacted the cinema industry and in particular the place and representation of women in it.Show less
This thesis explores Saudi Arabia’s power behavior towards Lebanon in order to explore the pattern of Saudi Arabia’s waning influence. After all, it is among the most powerful regional actors and...Show moreThis thesis explores Saudi Arabia’s power behavior towards Lebanon in order to explore the pattern of Saudi Arabia’s waning influence. After all, it is among the most powerful regional actors and wields immense financial as well as religious resources compared to lightweight Lebanon. Nevertheless, Saudi action in Lebanon backfires seemingly frequently, either strengthening its opponents or weakening its allies. It is argued that Saudi Arabia is very capable of using their economic might in Lebanon; however, the more they strangle Lebanon the more likely Lebanon is to fall into Iran’s open arms. This, in turn, hurts Saudi Arabia’s overarching goal of regional influence and limiting Iran’s expansionism. On top of that, Saudi’s credibility, trust and legitimacy were thwarted after the 2009 elections and especially after the 2017 Hariri debacle in Lebanon. While prioritizing immediate national interest is natural for any country, Saudi Arabia’s policies disregarded the Lebanese target population’s perception and failed to achieve its regional interest with regards to pushing back Iranian influence. Hence, its prematurely hard power-driven policy pushed its allies away into the open arms of Iran. Saudi Arabia indeed has immense soft power resources, which, however, it has been largely ineffective in utilizing thus far. After all, it has become evident that despite its small size, Lebanon is the stage for regional power play. If Saudi Arabia continues to employ such a miscalculated policy, it will threaten its regional standing despite its immense, yet waning, economic might. Consequently, an unbalanced use of soft and hard power behavior of Saudi Arabia results in a cost inefficient foreign policy. Instead of self-defeating its efforts, it should be in Saudi’s self-serving interest to winning the hearts and minds of the people for effective power conversion and a strong standing to challenge Iran.Show less
The geopolitical realignment which took place in the Middle East and North Africa since the uprisings of the Arab Spring has brought about a new manifestation of authoritarian rule in Egypt under...Show moreThe geopolitical realignment which took place in the Middle East and North Africa since the uprisings of the Arab Spring has brought about a new manifestation of authoritarian rule in Egypt under President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi. Egypt is among a growing number of countries around the world governed by a paradoxically open, yet harshly repressive, type of new authoritarianism. At the same time, with the presidency of the former General el-Sisi entering its fifth year, the return to power of Egypt’s military establishment has seen a resumption of the older authoritarian methods used by past Egyptian leaders to quell dissent against the government, and to maintain power generally. This thesis seeks to answer how President el-Sisi’s actions since becoming President in 2014 has led to a hybridization of both classical and new authoritarian theories. Through the significant utilization of the country’s national security apparatus, manipulation of the political and justice systems, and reliance on vast sources of economic aid from the United States, Europe, and the Persian Gulf states, el-Sisi appears to exhibit strategies from both old and new theories of authoritarianism. This thesis demonstrates the Egyptian experience of hybridized authoritarianism by incorporating overviews of authoritarianism generally, discussions of authoritarian theories, scholarly debates, and evidence from Egypt’s national security, legal, judicial, political, economic, and foreign relations sectors. This thesis will lend itself to broader scholarly discussions on authoritarianism in contemporary times, as well as on international relations in the Middle East, and the durability of strongman regimes in the developing world. While this thesis can only provide a secondary overview of Egypt’s recent return to authoritarianism, the researcher hopes it will make a small contribution to the political and foreign policy affairs in a region both rich in history and fraught with conflict.Show less
This thesis analyses the considerations of British officials when arriving at positions on granting sovereignty/ authority to: (i) the Greeks in Smyrna, southwest Anatolia; (ii) the Armenians...Show moreThis thesis analyses the considerations of British officials when arriving at positions on granting sovereignty/ authority to: (i) the Greeks in Smyrna, southwest Anatolia; (ii) the Armenians within north-eastern Anatolia; (iii) the Kurds within south-eastern Anatolia; (iv) and the Kurds within the Mosul vilayet (Southern Kurdistan/ present-day northern Iraq), from 1918-1926. The concepts of “Orientalism” and “civilisation” provide the theoretical basis and are applied to the sources analysed. The thesis argues that Britain’s actions were influenced by the prevailing stereotypes of each people and “civilisation”, but ultimately rooted in political and economic interest. The Paris Peace Conference presented an opportunity to strengthen Britain’s position in the eastern Mediterranean and in the Middle East through support for the design of friendly states and re-drawing the political map of the territory within the former Ottoman empire. Each case was part of the process of erecting a new imperial structure in the Middle East. This new structure was to be based upon the organising principle of ethnic nationalism, as promoted by the Allied powers, including Britain. The British role in each case can be described as: the leading supporter of Greek goals in Anatolia; predominantly a supportive observer of Armenian goals in Anatolia, leaving the French to play the role of lead supporter; a cautiously supportive observer of the Anatolian Kurds with little authority outside of its dictation of the Treaty of Sèvres; and a cautious detractor of the autonomy of southern Kurds, having occupied the Mosul vilayet in 1918 and held full colonial authority over it, experimenting with autonomy but ultimately deciding on its abandonment. By 1926, the goals of the Greeks, Armenians, and Kurds in Anatolia and Southern Kurdistan had not been achieved, and all had withered away in British Middle Eastern policy.Show less
The Syrian civil war has been one of the most protracted and severe conflicts in the Middle East in recent decades. Through this conflict, Syria has become the hub in regional conflicts,...Show moreThe Syrian civil war has been one of the most protracted and severe conflicts in the Middle East in recent decades. Through this conflict, Syria has become the hub in regional conflicts, geopolitical strife and sectarian violence. This thesis examines the European Union's response to this complex conflict through a neorealist lens and a detailed discussion of European policy throughout the years.Show less
Due to China’s growing industry and their corresponding growing energy requirements in the last couple of decades, the country has reevaluated its foreign policy for the Middle East to secure its...Show moreDue to China’s growing industry and their corresponding growing energy requirements in the last couple of decades, the country has reevaluated its foreign policy for the Middle East to secure its supply of energy. A key factor in the achievement of this goal has been the improvement of relations with oil exporting countries in the Middle East such as Saudi Arabia and Iran. This research analyzes how China has developed relations with the two major rivalling states in the Middle East and what explains the viability of an imbalanced system that is the triangular relation between China, Saudi Arabia, and Iran.Show less
Research master thesis | Middle Eastern Studies (research) (MA)
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This thesis focuses on property disputes in Iraq resulting from former regime policies between 1968 and 2003. The former regime used three intertwined strategies that resulted in loss of real...Show moreThis thesis focuses on property disputes in Iraq resulting from former regime policies between 1968 and 2003. The former regime used three intertwined strategies that resulted in loss of real property in particularly the northern regions of Iraq. Through land reforms, Arabization, and a series of attacks on Kurdish regions in the late 1980’s (entitled Anfāl) many persons were affected, notably Kurds. Houses and land were then often given to Arabs to tip the demographic balance in Kurdish majority areas in favor of Arabs. This thesis describes the stories of three victims of such property loss, and proceeds to analyze the legislative framework in place to solve these issues. From there, it analyses the Property Claims Commission, which has been the sole institution in Iraq to address the property conflicts that developed as a result of these former strategies.Show less
Migration has been one of the most prevailing issues in European public, political and academic debate over the last few years. Due to its specific geographical location within Europe and its...Show moreMigration has been one of the most prevailing issues in European public, political and academic debate over the last few years. Due to its specific geographical location within Europe and its reputation as a stable welfare state, Austria has become an important country of asylum. Today, it is one of the European countries which hosts most asylum seekers relative to its population. At the same time, politically and legally, Austria embodies one of the most conservative integration regimes in Western Europe. At a societal level, integration is widely negatively connoted―especially with reference to Muslim immigrants―and islamophobia and hostility towards Muslims has increased. In the light of the recent inflow of migrants from Muslim-majority countries, Austria seems to be forced to effectively engage with the adoption of integration measures that fit a country of immigration with sensibility towards the general public’s islamophobic tendencies. To investigate into the topic further, my thesis aims at covering integration from three perspectives: the role of the Austrian government, the predominant perceptions of Austria's society and of immigrants from the Middle East, including my own data collection. My thesis therefore focuses on the following question: What are some of the legal, political and socio-cultural aspects that have influenced and determined the integration process of Middle Eastern immigrants in Austria since 9/11?Show less
The War on Terror was initiated by President George W. Bush as a response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. The War on Terror was not just a concept, it was a range of strategies,...Show moreThe War on Terror was initiated by President George W. Bush as a response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. The War on Terror was not just a concept, it was a range of strategies, ideologies and expectations to justify the American response to the attacks and an expression around which the American public could rally. It shaped the nature and the scope of the American counterterrorism strategy to the terrorist attacks, into a specific form of conflict. This thesis demonstrates what the two different counterterrorism strategies entailed, and the different interpretations President Bush and President Obama gave to the War on Terror. Bush approached the attacks as an ‘act of war’, and rationalized the event through the Just War theory. Whereas Obama framed the conflict as a ‘crime’, of which the perpetrators should be brought to justice, in order to end the conflict as quickly as possible. During his campaign, Obama gave the impression of a foreign policy strategy that radically moved away from Bush. However, Bush had embedded a strong hegemonic discourse regarding the War on Terror in society. This social structure was complex to change, since it was entrenched in rhetoric, media and real-life institutions. Thus, Obama faced great difficulty during his first term, in order to change this hegemonic discourse, and was severely limited in executing his intended foreign policy regarding the Middle East.Show less
With the boom in the Chinese economy and its increasing influence in the global world order, China adhered to a new strategy that focuses on improving its image in the world by relying solely on...Show moreWith the boom in the Chinese economy and its increasing influence in the global world order, China adhered to a new strategy that focuses on improving its image in the world by relying solely on soft power. China’s soft power strategy in the Middle East is little researched, however, the Middle East is of paramount global importance as the region is the world’s largest energy supplier. This thesis examines China’s soft power strategy and its key objectives in the Middle East through an in-depth analysis focusing on economic, cultural, political and military soft power initiatives. The findings of this research argue that China’s pivot towards the Middle East is primarily driven by its need to secure energy sources, as well as other economic interests. Its influence in the Middle East is rapidly increasing through these various soft power initiatives. Although China’s soft power strategy is mainly focused on economic and cultural soft power initiatives, political and military soft power initiatives have taken a larger focus in recent years. As China is gradually shifting from non-interference to limited-interference in the regions political and security affairs, it is committed to maintain and improve its image, which it attained solely through soft power, by not losing its neutrality while gradually becoming more proactive in the political and security field.Show less
Many factors influenced the eradication of the peace process between Turkey and the PKK in early 2015. Some scholars argue that the elections in 2015 and Recep Tayyip Erdogan's personal political...Show moreMany factors influenced the eradication of the peace process between Turkey and the PKK in early 2015. Some scholars argue that the elections in 2015 and Recep Tayyip Erdogan's personal political ambitions towards a presidential system were the major factors behind the revival of the violence between Kurdish armed groups and Turkish security forces. Another given argument is the suspended bid of Turkey for accession to the European Union, and the incapability of the EU to enforce reforms within Turkey. Others state that the civil war in Syria, and the policies of Turkey concerning the Kurds in the region was crucial and caused a spill over of the conflict. The central question of this thesis is: what factors have led the Turkish government to change its policies towards the Kurdish groups after 2011 and subsequently led to the end of the Turkey-PKK peace process?Show less
