Development cooperation has grown ever more important in recent years as it has become increasingly tied to domestic political preferences. It is sometimes seen as a tool to accomplish objectives...Show moreDevelopment cooperation has grown ever more important in recent years as it has become increasingly tied to domestic political preferences. It is sometimes seen as a tool to accomplish objectives tied to the latter. To be sure, that notion is applicable to the EU Emergency Trust Fund for Africa (EUTFA), born in the wake of the 2015 migrant crisis out of a desire to severely limit migration to the EU. Although it was created as an emergency fund, its scope and organisational design do not reflect this label and have ever outgrown it, until the merging of the EUTFA in the European Commission’s new ‘Global Europe’ instrument in 2021. This paper analyses 8 EUTFA programmes along a frame of public administration theory and various relevant literature. In concert with EUFTA reports it answers multiple questions aimed at understanding the influence of organisational design on development cooperation, specifically in the complex environment of a politically laden fund. Do domestic policies take precedence over aiding countries in the European Neighbourhood?Show less
In recent years, especially after the ‘refugee crisis’ in 2015, a trend can be figured out whereby migrants and refugees that try to reach the EU are no longer met with a humanitarian approach and...Show moreIn recent years, especially after the ‘refugee crisis’ in 2015, a trend can be figured out whereby migrants and refugees that try to reach the EU are no longer met with a humanitarian approach and policies that secure their rights but are increasingly perceived as a security problem and accordingly treated by the European agencies. This also finds expression in the externalization of European borders to North Africa in the form of third country agreements. However, since these migration management policies that are guided by a security concept are at the same time justified by the protection of human rights, this reveals a clear paradox the thesis will bring to light. Among the cooperation of the Frontex mission ‘Sophia’ with the Libyan coastguard, it is shown that a humanitarian legitimization is used for its implementation. This differs from th actual practices that are characterized by violations of migrants’ rights. Frontex uses surveillance technologies and encounters migrants as a ‘security threat’, whereby a securitization of migrants takes place through the actual practices in the Mediterranean. Thereby, private military and security companies (PMSCs) play a crucial role in lobbying Frontex, shaping policies towards a security nexus. In this study, it is argued that the securitization of human rights can explain this paradox. With the externalization policies and outsourcing of migration management tasks, human rights are used strategically to implement a security agenda that aims to keep migrants out of the EU.Show less
The main research question that this thesis will try to answer is: “Who dictated the European Community policy concerning migration for Third Country Nationals during the 1970s and 1980s: the...Show moreThe main research question that this thesis will try to answer is: “Who dictated the European Community policy concerning migration for Third Country Nationals during the 1970s and 1980s: the European Commission or the member states?”.This thesis is divided into three parts. Firstly, it examines the relationships inside the European Community and member states from a theoretical perspective to propose several hypotheses to explain who dictated European migration policy. To test these hypotheses based on empirical research, chapters 2 and 3 will look at the positions of the European Commission and the European member states respectively.It seems more likely that when considering our hypotheses, the perspective of member states dictating European Community policy was more likely. Even though this paper established that the European Commission had received a competence in migration policy, the ones ultimately in power were the member states themselves.Show less
Although the Dutch government was glad Suriname decided to stand on its own feet, it was anxious to see a large proportion of its population immigrate to the Netherlands. The policies put into...Show moreAlthough the Dutch government was glad Suriname decided to stand on its own feet, it was anxious to see a large proportion of its population immigrate to the Netherlands. The policies put into place to stop them from migrating are discussed and their efficacy weighed in a theoretical setting.Show less
