This thesis has looked at the case of approximately 450 Vietnamese refugees who came from Czechoslovakia to the Netherlands in the 1990s after the Velvet Revolution.
This study investigates the question how migration has shaped the broader relationship between the EU and Egypt between the 2011 Revolution and 2019. It found that migration has profoundly affected...Show moreThis study investigates the question how migration has shaped the broader relationship between the EU and Egypt between the 2011 Revolution and 2019. It found that migration has profoundly affected the bilateral relationship, particularly in the fields of democracy, human rights, development aid and economic cooperation. An analysis of policy documents and (public) statements by officials from the EU and Egypt shows how migration cooperation has made it difficult for the EU to uphold its image as a normative actor. Egypt's efforts to limit irregular migration to the EU are mainly driven by its economic dependency on the EU.Show less
This thesis delves into the relation between crisis and policy change in a historical context by exploring the Dutch emigration policies concerning South Africa before and after the Sharpeville...Show moreThis thesis delves into the relation between crisis and policy change in a historical context by exploring the Dutch emigration policies concerning South Africa before and after the Sharpeville massacre (1960). Most literature discussing the Sharpeville massacre and its aftermath take the decline in emigration in the years following the massacre as an evident consequence of the changing perceptions of South Africa, and place it in a holistic hypothesis of general denunciation. By analysing this from a policy perspective, the decline in emigration is better explained by a multitude of factors, then by a single event (i.e. Sharpeville) alone. It is undeniable that Sharpeville had an impact on how South Africa was being perceived in the Netherlands. And evidently, this must have discouraged people to emigrate there. However, this thesis argues that the structures, policies and practices of the Dutch emigration system have been overlooked in this context. The emigration apparatus played such an important role on Dutch emigration as a whole, that it had a crucial impact on the emigration to South Africa. Despite the obsevation that there was not a clear policy change after Sharpeville, their power as an institution to orchestrate the Dutch emigration proved to be an important factor when trying to explain the decline of Dutch emigration to South Africa.Show less
Analyse van de aanloop, het verloop en de gevolgen van de rellen die in januari 1984 plaatsvonden in Capelle aan den IJssel tussen de Molukse inwoners van Oostgaarde en de politie/M.E. De context...Show moreAnalyse van de aanloop, het verloop en de gevolgen van de rellen die in januari 1984 plaatsvonden in Capelle aan den IJssel tussen de Molukse inwoners van Oostgaarde en de politie/M.E. De context omtrend deze rellen wordt geschetst door de rollen van zowel nationaal als lokaal beleid te analyseren als mede de rol van Molukse belangenbehartigers.Show less
This study aimed to explore the differences in self-perceived identities, perceptions of social inclusion and perceptions of social progression of Somali-born migrants entering and residing in the...Show moreThis study aimed to explore the differences in self-perceived identities, perceptions of social inclusion and perceptions of social progression of Somali-born migrants entering and residing in the UK. The study focuses on whether these differences exist depending on whether migrants arrive from the Netherlands, a Member State of the European Union (EU), or whether they arrive directly from Somalia, a nation outside of the EU. Literature concerned with Somalis residing in the UK, as well as specific literature focusing on Somalis leaving the Netherlands to migrate to the UK was used to contextualise the study. The research consisted of 18 face-to-face interviews carried in the UK: 10 interviews with individuals who arrived from Somalia and 8 with those that arrived from the Netherlands. Based on the data collected from these interviews, self-perceived identities between the two groups largely differ. Those arriving from the Netherlands typically disassociate from their Somali identity. Secondly, formulations of identity play a pivotal role in perceptions of social inclusion and social progression. On arrival those arriving from the Netherlands perceive themselves to be more socially included and have higher prospects of progressing in society. In terms of how these factors change over time, few conclusions could be drawn – though it appears that differences in country of arrival may become less important. Nevertheless, Somalis residing in the UK from both groups hold positive perceptions of how they are progressing in society.Show less
In the early 1980s, the number of asylum seekers doubled in West Germany and the issue got increasingly politicised. Most of the asylum seekers originated from Turkey where political unrest and...Show moreIn the early 1980s, the number of asylum seekers doubled in West Germany and the issue got increasingly politicised. Most of the asylum seekers originated from Turkey where political unrest and socio-ethnic conflicts were widespread. In this setting, Turkish asylum seekers belonging to Christian minorities became a source of controversy within the German Federal Ministry of the Interior. This thesis looks into the dynamics of asylum politics through analysing primary sources from the Federal Ministry of the Interior that depict the most important intergovernmental, federal and societal governance actors who either argued in favour of or against the admission of this specific group of asylum seekers. Their interplay is examined with the help of four main concepts under the umbrella of the gap hypothesis, which explain why the Christian asylum seekers were granted a right to stay in the long run although their asylum applications were first rejected: The liberal paradox of democratic states and the difficulty of interpreting the right of asylum gave room for multiple actors negotiating the case. Eventually, the positively constructed social class of the asylum seekers enabled the political realm to reach consensus to smartly settle the liberal paradox with a generously applied hardship regulation.Show less
This thesis seeks to rectify the paradox of liberal state inclusion by assessing the impact of neoliberalism on the criteria for state inclusion, and thus the values that underpin Europeanness....Show moreThis thesis seeks to rectify the paradox of liberal state inclusion by assessing the impact of neoliberalism on the criteria for state inclusion, and thus the values that underpin Europeanness. This shall be done through a comparative study of the policies and praxis in Greece governing migrants on the two polar ends of the socioeconomic spectrum: asylum seekers migrating without state authorisation v. investor migrants passing through so-called ‘Golden Visa’ programmes. The former group is comprised of individuals forced to flee to survive, yet unable to migrate lawfully to a region where they may apply for asylum due to an absence of safe, legal channels. The latter, though they certainly may have non-economic incentives to migrate, ultimately purchase state inclusion as an asset which suits their needs. This comparison juxtaposes the readiness of the state to grant inclusion on humanitarian grounds against its willingness to grant inclusion as a function of the market.Show less
This thesis aims to investigate the American draft resisters’ decision to immigrate to Canada and their experiences there. It assesses the contribution of the American war resisters in Canada to...Show moreThis thesis aims to investigate the American draft resisters’ decision to immigrate to Canada and their experiences there. It assesses the contribution of the American war resisters in Canada to the Canadian anti-war movement. The research question therefore is: what was the experience of the American draft resisters in Canada, and how did they contribute to the anti-war movement? Both secondary and primary are analyzed in order to conduct this research.Show less
Over the past decades, migrant labour from South and South East Asia became more and more essential to the Gulf region’s economic development and migrant numbers continue to grow. This paper...Show moreOver the past decades, migrant labour from South and South East Asia became more and more essential to the Gulf region’s economic development and migrant numbers continue to grow. This paper provides an analysis of the political economy of the Gulf states, which aims at moving away from Gulf exceptionalism and oil centrism and instead, placing the Gulf within the global perspective of neoliberal economic development. With this in mind, the paper attempts to explain the increase in labour migrant numbers from Asia to the GCC countries after 1990, and examines these increases in relation to neoliberal economic developments, which occurred during the 1990s and 2000s.Show less
This master thesis discusses the securitization of the issue migration in Hungary. I argue that in 2017 the securitization discourse surrounding migration changed and the issue was reframed as a...Show moreThis master thesis discusses the securitization of the issue migration in Hungary. I argue that in 2017 the securitization discourse surrounding migration changed and the issue was reframed as a threat to the political security sector rather than a social and economic one. It focuses especially on the Soros plan and on the way the Hungarian government exploited this narrative to justify the country illiberal turn by creating a bridge that connected it to the issue of migration and how in turn this affected the protection of liberal freedom and rights in the country of Hungarian citizens and not citizens alike.Show less
The following thesis treats the problematic arising from the cultural representation of Latin America in two of the most trendy Latin American Festivals in Italy to-date. The thesis departs from...Show moreThe following thesis treats the problematic arising from the cultural representation of Latin America in two of the most trendy Latin American Festivals in Italy to-date. The thesis departs from the premise that there is a fundamental problem regarding the construction and understanding of Latin American culture and identity. This is fundamentally linked with the continents colonial past and the racial and social constructs that have raised from it. The first festival analyzed is the Milano Latin Festival in which the Peruvian diaspora becomes the central focus of analysis. The second festival is the Festival del Cinema Latino Americano di Trieste in which the cultural film festival industry is questioned as a whole and the role Latin America plays on it. By treating the literature on identity, postcolonialism and representation, the final conclusions attest that festivals approach cultural representation in a defective way. Their main faults rely on a lack of acknowledgement and understanding of the diversity that constitutes each and every Latin American country and the dynamics that exists in these concerning race and class. And in the second case, in that the drive and/or purpose of festivals tend to mold how is that cultures are portrait. There is the necessity of exploring further into the underlying realities of Latin American cultures and treat the problematic and paradoxes these have if one desires to pay justice and respect to the same ones.Show less
This thesis examines how British prime ministers have de-Europeanized the national identity through their discourse before and after the Brexit referendum – or in other words – how they turned away...Show moreThis thesis examines how British prime ministers have de-Europeanized the national identity through their discourse before and after the Brexit referendum – or in other words – how they turned away from the EU by using language. The research is conducted through a critical discourse analysis (CDA) of 25 speeches and statements by David Cameron and Theresa May. The timeframe begins when Cameron promised a referendum on EU membership in January 2013, and ends in October 2017, more than a year after the yes-vote. The analysis reveals that British discourse on common security threats was not gradually de-Europeanized, but internationalised by May by constructing the UK as ‘Global Britain’. Language on migrants from the EU to the UK was already de-Europeanized before the Brexit referendum, and did not change significantly after the referendum. In fact, it gradually normalised after Cameron’s General Election victory in 2015. This study also reveals that both prime ministers could ‘cherry pick’ identities, meaning that they could choose between constructing a national, European, or even global identity to their liking per policy area.Show less
This thesis deals with the repatriation of Rwandan refugees to Rwanda. In the following paper, Megan Bradley's Theory of Just Return is applied to a new case study, the situation of Rwandan...Show moreThis thesis deals with the repatriation of Rwandan refugees to Rwanda. In the following paper, Megan Bradley's Theory of Just Return is applied to a new case study, the situation of Rwandan refugees in Uganda and their return to Rwanda. By focusing on the policies implemented to facilitate the reintegration of the returnees, this thesis explores the new relationship between state and returnee as well as the importance of redress in repatriation.Show less
