This thesis examinates the role of PMCs in international intervention and in what ways this can explain the differences in reconciliation efforts in instances of misconduct by PMCs and regular...Show moreThis thesis examinates the role of PMCs in international intervention and in what ways this can explain the differences in reconciliation efforts in instances of misconduct by PMCs and regular troops. In order to do this, this paper's analysis is focused on the reconciliation efforts made by the U.S. government in cases of misconduct that took place during the Iraq War between 2003-2011.Show less
This thesis compares the effects of NATO’s out-of-area operations in Kosovo and Afghanistan to analyze what effect geographical distance of operations have on Alliance Cohesion through the method...Show moreThis thesis compares the effects of NATO’s out-of-area operations in Kosovo and Afghanistan to analyze what effect geographical distance of operations have on Alliance Cohesion through the method of process tracing. Mainly because of the current geopolitical shift, it is important to evaluate what NATO should look out for policy-wise moving forward. The main variable of analysis in this was the changing threat-perception of the five largest contributors to both operations. The threat-perception was determined by analyzing national security reports and other primary sources from the countries involved in the analysis, focusing on elite-level policy making. What was found in the comparison was the threat-perceptions of all analyzed states were more aligned in the operations in Kosovo, while the lack of regional/national interests for the analyzed states in Afghanistan made it hard for the states to securitize the operations, damaging Alliance Cohesion. National interests and geopolitical interests were combined in the case of Kosovo, and led to the same end-goal. Meanwhile the operations in Afghanistan led to a larger discrepancy between national interests and geopolitical interests, making Alliance commitment tougher to define, and follow through on.Show less
This thesis is primarily a study of George Baldwin (1743/4-1824), a British merchant and diplomat, and his efforts in developing an overland route through Egypt in the last decades of the...Show moreThis thesis is primarily a study of George Baldwin (1743/4-1824), a British merchant and diplomat, and his efforts in developing an overland route through Egypt in the last decades of the eighteenth century. The significance of the Egyptian overland route in this period has often been overlooked when compared to the later overland mail established by Thomas Waghorn in the 1830s and the Suez Canal. This thesis will provide a reassessment of the overland route’s commercial and geopolitical significance to the British Empire during the period of George Baldwin’s two residencies in Egypt; first as a merchant (1775-1779) and then as the first British Consul-General to Egypt (1786-1798). The growing realisation of the route’s strategic significance by British policymakers, like Henry Dundas, predates the Napoleonic Expedition and will be examined in relation to Baldwin’s consular appointment in 1786. The commercial value of the route will be assessed by looking at the private trade of Baldwin and his associates during both residencies and is something that casts doubt on the traditional view that the Middle East experienced commercial decline in this period. Most significantly, this thesis will focus on the strategic importance of the route to the British position in India. The significance of Egypt increased as the East India Company transitioned into a territorial power in 1770s and 1780s. This meant that Baldwin’s role was a strategic necessity; something shown by a series of case studies on the sieges of Pondicherry in 1778 and 1793 as well as the transfer of Ceylon to the British in 1796.Show less
Right-wing extremists are becoming increasingly interested in joining the military. Military skills, tactical training and access to weapons and ammunition is considered very valuable for them....Show moreRight-wing extremists are becoming increasingly interested in joining the military. Military skills, tactical training and access to weapons and ammunition is considered very valuable for them. Unfortunately such individuals with military experience, a belief system that is anti-democratic, and a desire to change the status quo of society – while being prepared to use unlawful methods to accomplish this – can be a threat to national security. This threat has to be eliminated. A task for the military therefore is: to prevent right-wing extremists from joining the military. This research focuses on a case study of the Dutch military and their approach to prevent the presence of right-wing extremists in their ranks. The policy is evaluated, using a framework that describes five types of extremists that can be encountered within the extreme right. This study is conducted in a field that is not very transparent, there is a lot of possibly valuable information classified and makes for a conclusion with a lot of unknowns – but these unknowns also generate a lot of possibilities.Show less
Since 1949, South Korean men are required to serve in the military for approximately 18 months. In 2018, South Korea's armed forces included around 608,000 active military personnel, including 107...Show moreSince 1949, South Korean men are required to serve in the military for approximately 18 months. In 2018, South Korea's armed forces included around 608,000 active military personnel, including 107,000 conscript soldiers. In order to sustain an army this big, human welfare issues require significant care. However, with the current suicide rate in the military and the rising abuse reports, South Korea is facing internal threats. These internal issues could be of possible negative impact for the national defense of South Korea. This thesis looked at how the military environment and the military’s response on abuse and maladjustment issues allows for factors to occur which influence South Korean conscript soldiers to ideate and commit suicide. This was done by using Joiner's interpersonal psychology theory to analyze two recent suicide cases which have been reported by the media. It was found that the military environment in these cases allowed for all factors of the theory to develop. This in turn was linked to the suicide of the case subjects. The thesis also showed that the military's response and actions after the death of the soldiers were not in the favor of reflection and future prevention of such cases. This thesis has contributed to the understanding of conscript suicide in the South Korean military by analyzing the role of the internal military environment.Show less
Between 1639 and 1854 was the Netherlands the only European country allowed to trade with Japan. After 1854, when Commodore Perry uses gunboat diplomacy to open diplomatic contact with Japan, the...Show moreBetween 1639 and 1854 was the Netherlands the only European country allowed to trade with Japan. After 1854, when Commodore Perry uses gunboat diplomacy to open diplomatic contact with Japan, the unique position of the Netherlands had changed drastically. Nonetheless, the Dutch government was not eager to give up its monopoly on Japan that easily. As a result, after Japan opened, the Dutch government can be observed undertaking many projects in Japan to convince the Japanese that unique relations with the Dutch were still in the Japanese interest. Especially in Nagasaki, where the Dutch had a trading post for since the 17th century, the Dutch undertook many projects and this started to shape the city going forward. This thesis examines how Dutch influence shaped three prominent sectors in Nagasaki throughout the nineteenth century; the rising military & industrial sectors and the declining trade sector in Nagasaki. The developments in these sectors are framed within wider Japanese history of that era and also the decline of Dutch influence in the nineteenth century. The conclusion of this thesis is that the Dutch still fulfilled a prominent position within Japanese, and then especially Nagasaki, after the years of the opening in 1854. The Dutch worked hard to introduce Japan with new military and industrial knowledge, while simulataneously aiming to include within a new trade network. The Dutch supplied new materials, worked as teacher and also worked as intermediaries with other Western nations. Eventually the Dutch could not keep up with other Western nations and by the 1870s most Dutch experts had disappeared from Japan. Nonetheless, by this time their influence had played a major role in Nagasaki. The basis had been laid for the rise of many factories in the city, the city had become a centre for military knowledge and trade had dwindled from the city. Byt the time the last of the Dutch experts left, Nagasaki had been set on a course to become a military-industrial complex, which would play an important part in the next century.Show less
This thesis explores the fields of gender, sexuality, and military studies to determine how military service and militarism contribute to the exponential growth in incidents of spy cameras and...Show moreThis thesis explores the fields of gender, sexuality, and military studies to determine how military service and militarism contribute to the exponential growth in incidents of spy cameras and revenge porn in South Korea. The focus is placed on the role of the military and mandatory military service in South Korean society and how conscription constitutes masculinity, diffuses ideas, beliefs, and values among young Korean men, and how this can have an influence on their behavior. Factors such as the instilment of military values, domination and control, the militarized culture of sexuality, and gender power structures within the military draft system are of particular importance. This paper shows that military conscription and militarism contribute to an intensification of the frictions between gender and sexuality within Korean society through the systematic promotion of hypermasculinity. In this regard, this thesis argues that Korean women have been continuously portrayed as the weaker and lesser ‘other’ by the military over the course of history, and that this othering has helped affirm masculinity and dominance over the ‘weaker’ other, which in turn legitimizes and contributes to sexual violence. Here, the internet provides a communal space for the extension of sexual violence, and with this the exercise of this dominance over and shaming of the ‘other’ with more ease and anonymity, which contributes to the growing spy camera and revenge porn epidemic in South Korea.Show less
This thesis explores the link between military education, nation-building, nationalism, and national identity in the Philippines by using an ethnosymbolic and constructivist approach. It focuses on...Show moreThis thesis explores the link between military education, nation-building, nationalism, and national identity in the Philippines by using an ethnosymbolic and constructivist approach. It focuses on the implementation of a mandatory Reserve Officers’ Training Corps (ROTC) program in all senior high schools in the Philippines, which is formulated in Senate Bill 2232 and is highly probable to be accepted by the Senate. The government links the military education program to instilling national values, patriotism and love of country within the youth. By conducting a case study of Manila, reviewing literature from the fields of identity, military, and nation-building studies, as well as by comparing the Filipino ROTC program to military education programs for high school students in the United States and Turkey, this thesis makes suggestions about the role of the ROTC as a nation-builder and its potential influences on nationalism and the formation of a national identity.Show less
Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
open access
Despite the exalted status of Southern Song (1127-1279) scholar Zhu Xi (1130-1200) in the contemporary body of research, relatively little effort has been dedicated to understanding his views on...Show moreDespite the exalted status of Southern Song (1127-1279) scholar Zhu Xi (1130-1200) in the contemporary body of research, relatively little effort has been dedicated to understanding his views on military affairs and policy. Furthermore, analyses of his military policy recommendations and assessments of his participation in the debate on the Jin-Song conflict have not yet benefited from a thorough comparison with his more “philosophical” works, most importantly the Four Books and his later statements collected in the Thematic Discourses. This paper seeks to both expand and nuance the current understanding of Zhu Xi’s military thought by taking into account a broader array of historical sources, ranging from the foundational Four Books to his private letters and assorted sayings. The structure of the present paper is divided into two main parts. In the first part, I shall examine several general discussions on topics of warfare as they occur in the Four Books, basing myself primarily on Zhu Xi’s commentaries and his collected statements on its topics. The aim of this section is to establish the importance of military policy within Zhu Xi’s political thought, serving analogously to the institution of legal punishment as a functional expression or “tip” of the “root” of moral government. “Barbarians”, as physiologically and, by extension, morally deficient creatures, constituted a special object of military action. Lastly, while military conduct should always depart from an understanding of Principle as the determinant of “things as they should be”, practical and strategic considerations remained a legitimate and indeed necessary topic of inquiry. In the second part of the paper, based on the historical and philosophical framework reconstructed previously, I aim to reexamine Zhu Xi’s public and private writings concerning specifically the issue of Jin-Song relations. Three topics prove to be of particular relevance. Firstly, addressing recent claims that Zhu Xi supposedly abandoned the revanchist cause later in life, I will argue that his gradual reconceptualization of the state and its sovereign as the primary foci of revanchist sentiment enabled him to maintain this cause unabatedly. Secondly, through a reassessment of his early private and political writings I will address claims of Zhu’s supposed “hawkish” attitude towards the conflict, instead arguing that his acute perception of Song military weakness informed his consistently defensive and preparatory stance. Lastly, building on recent suggestions that Zhu had argued chiefly for a process of “moral rearmament” as the basis for military reconquest, I will examine his practical and concrete policy suggestions. Throughout, I shall emphasize possible loci of interaction and interdependence between Zhu’s political and philosophical writings, ultimately arguing that the two are inextricably related.Show less
Besides strong physical presence in Israeli society, the Israel Defense Forces' (IDF) symbolic presence in society is even more pervasive through constant transmission of its prominent values,...Show moreBesides strong physical presence in Israeli society, the Israel Defense Forces' (IDF) symbolic presence in society is even more pervasive through constant transmission of its prominent values, embodied by the concept of strategic culture. This paper analyses the process of cultural transmission, performed by the IDF, within the framework of militarized socialization. Arguably, the process of militarized socialization underwent a shift from the use of military education as the main vehicle for socialization, to the use of religion as a vehicle for socialization and as an identity marker of the Israeli military as a whole. The gradual return of religion to the ranks may have important implications for the development of Israeli society, as well as for the course of the prolonged Israeli-Palestinian conflict in terms of decreased chances of rapprochement between the two parties.Show less
A study of emperor Julian the Apostate's imperial tradition, being his entire body of policy and iconographic tradition in regard to coinage. This study compares these topics to predecessors and...Show moreA study of emperor Julian the Apostate's imperial tradition, being his entire body of policy and iconographic tradition in regard to coinage. This study compares these topics to predecessors and successors of Julian in an attempt to find the impact of Julian's policies on successors, and whether Julian created a partially, or wholly, new imperial tradition or based his on an earlier, pre-Christian, imperial tradition.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
The violent repression of non- violent protests is not an uncommon situation across the world. Current scholarship on this issue leads us to believe that countries with similar political history,...Show moreThe violent repression of non- violent protests is not an uncommon situation across the world. Current scholarship on this issue leads us to believe that countries with similar political history, structures and challenges would react in a similar way to non- violent protests. However that is not the case with Chile, Brazil and Uruguay. Why- despite of sharing many political, historical and social similarities- their experience with authoritarian rule in the past and democracy nowadays present different responses to non- violent social protests? Drawing on repression scales and data collections this thesis will answer this puzzle around the repression of non-violent social protests in South American Democracies by arguing that some past aspects of their history - such as their transition back to democracy- as well as some present variables – elites and military continuity and degree of threat play a role in that.Show less
Militaries have played significant roles in the transition from authoritarian regimes to more democratic political systems. Most of these transitions took place during the seventies and eighties in...Show moreMilitaries have played significant roles in the transition from authoritarian regimes to more democratic political systems. Most of these transitions took place during the seventies and eighties in South Europe and Latin America. They often started with cracks within the ruling party, which ultimately led to a gradual transition towards the installation of another regime and in most cases to some form of democratization. Based on those empirical examples a few key indicators predicting the behaviour of a military in transitions can be distinguished. An institutionalised military, which is not directly involved in the administration apparatus and which position has been backed by a legal framework have been found willing to shape the transition period to a more democratic system. During the transition the civilian authorities should guarantee the military certain prerogatives in order to keep it satisfied. An end of the transition period is reached when an effective and strong civilian government is installed which is able to execute civilian oversight over the military. The recent popular uprisings in North Africa and the Middle East were not gradual and caused an abrupt regime change in several Arab countries. Only in Egypt the military took a leading role in the transition. This thesis shows that also in the case of Egypt the nature of the military as an institutionalized military, not directly involved in the day to day governing, made it very resistant to any form of democratization. In the three proposed constitutions since the 25 January revolution the military has demanded and granted itself extensive prerogatives and annulled any form of civilian oversight. This will make it very difficult for any future civilian leader to execute civilian oversight over the Egyptian military.Show less
