In 2003, in response to the terminal socioeconomic instability and political ignorance, the Georgian civil society initiated a wave of mobilization, consolidation and protest actions. The Rose...Show moreIn 2003, in response to the terminal socioeconomic instability and political ignorance, the Georgian civil society initiated a wave of mobilization, consolidation and protest actions. The Rose Revolution represents the culmination of elite tensions and civil disobedience. The Revolution continues to be one of the most influential and important Color Revolutions in the post-Soviet sphere because of the large-scale mobilization of Georgian citizens. Consequently, the purpose of this thesis is to identify how did the Rose Revolution develop and promote mass mobilization required for political change. The thesis adopts the concept of “framing” and the three different framing strategies (diagnostic, prognostic, motivational) and applies them to the case of the Rose Revolution in order to analyze the consensus and action mobilization of the protest actors. By pursuing these strategies, the Rose Revolution opened opportunities for confidence and hope among the Georgian citizens. People began to distinguish between politics and the party, and thus the parties began to lose the occupied space of the political. Especially the prognostic strategies liberated the activist cores, enabled them to ‘flourish’. In other words, the public got inspired to take part in the popular discontent with the governmental establishment.Show less
Social movements often encapsulate people from multiple different social groups. While the participant of a social movement can be identified simply as such—a participant—he or she still maintains...Show moreSocial movements often encapsulate people from multiple different social groups. While the participant of a social movement can be identified simply as such—a participant—he or she still maintains his or her own social group identity. In the South Korean case, the popular minjung movement of the 1980’s shows how social group division can be transcended by propagating an ultimate goal presented as a collective good. The minjung movement, which ultimately upheld democratization as its ultimate goal, encapsulated students and workers, among other social groups. In general, in order to make such a movement prosper, the movement’s participants should make an effort for mobilizing or politicizing the masses if they wish to influence the authoritarian ruling class. However, the fact that multiple social groups are participating presents problems. How exactly does one social group politicize the other within the same movement? Does one group take it upon itself to commandeer the movement, while other social groups are enticed to follow its lead? While members of the minjung movement shared the belief in a collective good—which in the 1980’s first and foremost was the democratization of South Korea and the abolishment of draconian rule—valiant efforts had to be made by both students and the working class in order to propagate the movement’s ideology. This thesis shows that the minjung movement did not simply uphold one leading social group that politicized all others. Instead, students and workers within the movement formed a relationship in which politicization flowed in both directions. Using Bert Klandermans’ mobilization theory, this thesis demonstrates that student activists employed action mobilization to recruit the working class, while the workers themselves unintentionally employed consensus mobilization to influence the students.Show less
This thesis concerns the role of the black church during the Montgomery Bus Boycott. It addresses organization and mobilization by the black church. Furthermore this thesis is written in...Show moreThis thesis concerns the role of the black church during the Montgomery Bus Boycott. It addresses organization and mobilization by the black church. Furthermore this thesis is written in chronological order from 1955 to 1956.Show less
This research aims to examine and elaborate on possible changes in the degrees of respect for human rights in Libya and Tunisia before and after the events that took place in 2011, which are known...Show moreThis research aims to examine and elaborate on possible changes in the degrees of respect for human rights in Libya and Tunisia before and after the events that took place in 2011, which are known as the Arab Spring uprisings. By examining the spiral model by Risse and Sikkink (1999) this research is set up to trace a process of change in the degree of respect for human rights towards compliance to human rights norms in both countries. Results show in the case of Libya that the mobilization of both national as well as international actors evidently contributed to regime change during the Arab Spring and improved human rights conditions to a certain extent. Comparable transnational mobilization took place in Tunisia, where domestic opposition was likewise blocked. Tunisia’s post-Arab Spring period marks a time of considerable improvements in human rights conditions and the general respect for human rights. Although human rights violations are still occurring in both countries, the evaluation of past research and the tracing of current transnational involvement with respect to human rights conditions can contribute to the scientific and public understanding of the importance of human rights advocacy. In the long run, the mobilization and support of transnational human rights organizations continues to contribute to future compliance to human rights norms, in these countries and around the globe.Show less
