Throughout the 2000s, the World Bank seems to have undergone a paradigm shift from a neoliberal, market-oriented agenda to a more state-centric approach with increased attention to national...Show moreThroughout the 2000s, the World Bank seems to have undergone a paradigm shift from a neoliberal, market-oriented agenda to a more state-centric approach with increased attention to national particularities in policy design. However, in contrast to the recent enthusiasm by a variety of authors does this thesis argue that the increased attention to the role of institutions and politics in socio-economic development has merely been discursive. The here presented historical analysis of Malawi’s political economy since 1979 shows that there have been little actual changes to the Bank’s policies over the years, to the detriment of equitable socio-economic development in Sub-Saharan Africa. A continued focus on neoclassical economic theory and a lack of attention to national political economy are largely to blame. This thesis holds that to improve socio-economic development, development in practice needs to be transformed by moving beyond overtly theoretical and technocratic approaches and recognizing the inherent political nature of economies, instead of viewing the socio-political order underlying market relationships as an isolated given.Show less
At the time of writing (June 2019), the European Union officially hosts another “sick man”. The European Commission has in fact recently encouraged Italy to reconsider its economic policy in the...Show moreAt the time of writing (June 2019), the European Union officially hosts another “sick man”. The European Commission has in fact recently encouraged Italy to reconsider its economic policy in the light of a forecasted unsustainable (according to the European Commission) rise in the country’s budgetary deficit. Italy has so far been relatively used to politically challenging the European Commission when it comes to its choices in the field of macroeconomic policy. Nevertheless, the ease and the degree with which Neoliberalism (here meant as a Washington Consensus-based disciplinary ideology aiming at limiting the degree of politicization of the economic realm and the choices of states when it comes to their macroeconomic policies ) remains dominant at the EU level poses a question: Is the European Union inherently neoliberal or demand-led growth models are still possible? The reasons why finding an answer to this question is in our interest is grounded in the proliferation of radical political responses in several European countries (including Italy, Greece and - to a lesser degree - France) partly coming as a consequence of their stagnating (whilst not declining) economies. On one hand the European Union’s economy in the last few years has been keeping up to its self-set standards, on the other hand some countries appear to be far from catching up with the top-performers despite having structurally adjusted their economies to the taste of the neoliberal narrative. More importantly, the implementation of neoliberal policies has mostly been done at the expense of the existing welfare states, organized labor and national economic independence. Although the aforementioned growth of populist parties has yet to translate into those states actually taking real steps towards exiting the EU, the macroeconomic powerlessness of these countries seems doomed to persist, and so does the growth of radical parties and/or ideas. In this thesis I am going to argue that the EU is not an inherently neoliberal project of economic integration but it will be argued that the European political economy under the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) entails a clear neoliberal bias which prevents the EU and its member states from pursuing alternative paths. Furthermore, it will be argued that as it is currently structured, the EMU constitutes an hinderance to growth and employment in the continent as it systematically prevents the formation of adequate levels of aggregate demand.Show less
The growth of the technological start-up sector in Israel was vital in the economic growth of the country. While Israel had previously been a statist political economy through an intense state...Show moreThe growth of the technological start-up sector in Israel was vital in the economic growth of the country. While Israel had previously been a statist political economy through an intense state involvement in its business sectors, an adoption of neoliberalism by the state and its institutions enabled the growth of venture capital investments for start-ups. In taking an analytical perspective on the growth of Israel’s start-ups and how such growth was achieved through the utilisation of neoliberalism as a tool, this paper will argue that neoliberalism and it’s utilisations enabled the growth of start-ups in Israel, shifting the country to have possession of the most start-ups per capita.Show less
This thesis seeks to rectify the paradox of liberal state inclusion by assessing the impact of neoliberalism on the criteria for state inclusion, and thus the values that underpin Europeanness....Show moreThis thesis seeks to rectify the paradox of liberal state inclusion by assessing the impact of neoliberalism on the criteria for state inclusion, and thus the values that underpin Europeanness. This shall be done through a comparative study of the policies and praxis in Greece governing migrants on the two polar ends of the socioeconomic spectrum: asylum seekers migrating without state authorisation v. investor migrants passing through so-called ‘Golden Visa’ programmes. The former group is comprised of individuals forced to flee to survive, yet unable to migrate lawfully to a region where they may apply for asylum due to an absence of safe, legal channels. The latter, though they certainly may have non-economic incentives to migrate, ultimately purchase state inclusion as an asset which suits their needs. This comparison juxtaposes the readiness of the state to grant inclusion on humanitarian grounds against its willingness to grant inclusion as a function of the market.Show less
The aim of this study is to find out how the occupation in the West Bank is maintained by Israel, the Palestinian Authority, its capitalist class and the aid agencies with its donors. Hereby, the...Show moreThe aim of this study is to find out how the occupation in the West Bank is maintained by Israel, the Palestinian Authority, its capitalist class and the aid agencies with its donors. Hereby, the focus set upon the question what the neoliberal economic policies in the West Bank are and how they play a role in the occupation of it. To answer this question, the thesis will explore the policies of both Israel and the Palestinian Authority next to the policies that are promoted in the West Bank by aid agencies and international donors. Israel’s neoliberal economic policies will be explained through its economic interests in the West Bank, such as land, labour, water and market. Furthermore, the study will look into the neoliberal economic policies of the Palestinian Authority and how the Palestinian capitalist class has been created through these policies. Lastly, the study will highlight the role of international donors and aid agencies in the West Bank and the means in which they apply their influence to promote neoliberal economic policies that sustain the occupation of the West Bank. The study will show that the neoliberal economic policies in the West Bank contribute to its occupation and its dependency on the Israeli economy and international aid. However, not only Israel profits from the occupation, but also the Palestinian Authority and the Palestinian elite through their cooperation with Israel.Show less
The exclusion of women from the economy results in a country loses labour force and hampers its (potential) economic development and prosperity. Nevertheless, the participation rates of women in...Show moreThe exclusion of women from the economy results in a country loses labour force and hampers its (potential) economic development and prosperity. Nevertheless, the participation rates of women in the market are often much lower than those of men, especially in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). Women face socio-cultural barriers that restrict their individual freedoms in several areas, for instance their access to education and the (global) market. Their subordinated role towards men is established in various aspects of life: society, economy and politics. At the same time, MENA countries are facing challenges imposed by high youth unemployment and the need to catch up with the global economic progress to stay competitive. Diversification of the economy is one of the main goals in order to keep up with the global economic developments. Diversification means also including more women into the labour market since they often approach challenges of the market different than men.Neoliberal reforms intend to increase the competitiveness of a market by making it accessible for everyone. The claim that I want to investigate is that neoliberalism impacts on the (economic) opportunities of women within the socio-cultural context of their countries. In other words, how do neoliberal reforms impact on female entrepreneurship in the Middle East and North Africa?Show less
In 2009, it is estimated that the Muslim population in Egypt reached 78,51 million, or 94.6% of Egyptians is Muslim (Scott & Jafari 2010, 6). Islam influence created a unique case for Egypt as...Show moreIn 2009, it is estimated that the Muslim population in Egypt reached 78,51 million, or 94.6% of Egyptians is Muslim (Scott & Jafari 2010, 6). Islam influence created a unique case for Egypt as a developing country. From the period of the 1950s until 2000s, there have been multiple attempts to apply different economic reforms in Egypt. However, the reforms also affected the concept of Islamic revival in the context of setting the guidelines to practice business. This thesis focuses on the implication of neoliberalism concept, especially in terms of wealth accumulation from the year 1970s. Arguably, neoliberalism also shaped the Islamic practice into the notion of ‘pious neoliberalism’ in Egypt. The phenomenon of ‘pious neoliberalism’ will be analyzed through the emergence of the Islamic Banking and Finance (IBF) and the halal food industry in Egypt and the practicality of it. The research concludes that there is a new phenomenon of Islamization that is distinct from the predecessors by embracing the idea of neoliberalism and capitalism. The research, thus, explores how this new phenomenon of Islamization, shaped by pious neoliberalism, is distinct from the predecessors by embracing the idea of neoliberalism and capitalism.Show less
This thesis offers a reflection on Brazilian south-south relations with African lusophones countries, more specifically Guinea Bissau, Sao Tome and Principe and Guinea Bissau. It looks for the...Show moreThis thesis offers a reflection on Brazilian south-south relations with African lusophones countries, more specifically Guinea Bissau, Sao Tome and Principe and Guinea Bissau. It looks for the theoretical frame in which these relations are enshrined. The reflection is built around the notion institutional liberalism.Show less
The link between international development and gender equality has been highly acknowledged in today’s world. Women and girls are often depicted to be the public faces of global development, and...Show moreThe link between international development and gender equality has been highly acknowledged in today’s world. Women and girls are often depicted to be the public faces of global development, and have been increasingly present in a wide range of business and institutional policies. Businesses and institutions have embraced the notion that women are beneficial for markets and profits. This idea of the economic benefits of capitalizing on female ‘untapped’ labor power is also known as ‘smart economics’. Such neoliberal implementations and legislations illustrate that, instead of mere victims of poverty and violence, women are also capable to be agents. Nonetheless, these supposed advantages are in need of a feminist analysis. Recently, the Japanese government led by Prime Minister Shinzo Abe set out to implement a gender equality initiative labeled as ‘Womenomics’. This policy is primarily implemented to increase female participation in the workforce. Womenomics is narrowly linked to the expansion of a neoliberal economic policy agenda, which represents market fundamentalism, privatization, and corporate-led development. This thesis will analyze to what extend Japan’s neoliberalism, and its promise for female empowerment affects gender equality in the country. Fundamental to this analysis is the connection between feminism and a neoliberal economic policy like womenomics. The idea of feminism can reveal to what extend it can be utilized to achieve the neoliberal goal of a free and flexible labor market (Schieder 53 – 54). The central question this thesis seeks to answer is: ‘how has feminism influenced Japan’s decision to implement its neoliberal womenomics policy?’. The thesis hypotheses is that while womenomics promotes female (economic) empowerment, the policy disregards historical and structural causes of gender-based inequality and poverty. Moreover, it is reinforcing the (current) neoliberal paradigm, which established and maintained (gender-based) oppression.Show less
There is an abundance of quantitative research on the policy and sociological results of the 1996 welfare reforms, but less is known on the ideological background that inspired these reforms. This...Show moreThere is an abundance of quantitative research on the policy and sociological results of the 1996 welfare reforms, but less is known on the ideological background that inspired these reforms. This thesis researches to what extent neoliberal ideology influenced changes to social welfare programs (AFDC) in the United States between 1992 and 1996. It is suggested that the change from AFDC to TANF happened in 1996 due to a combination of a sharp increase in welfare rolls and increasing poverty levels occurring consecutively, changing ideological motivations toward social welfare, and welfare experiments conducted under H.W. Bush proving successful. In 1992, Clinton promised to replace welfare with a comprehensive suite of programs to facilitate leaving welfare, but passed welfare reform in 1996 without generous provisions due to a belief in the independent functioning of the core provisions of the TANF law. TANF was different, because it introduced; flexibility in policy making, by devolving authority to states through block grants, negative incentives to leave welfare, through time limits on lifetime benefits and work requirements and increased accountability, by making states responsible for maintaining work participation rates. It is suggested that most major TANF provisions were consistent with a belief in market-efficiency, market-morality and monetarism and could therefore be linked to neoliberal ideology both by their execution and by the discourse surrounding their implementation.Show less
