Derry Girls provides a humorous take on the Northern Irish Troubles. The sitcom, following the lives of a group of teenagers living in Derry in the 1990’s, combines the grimness of the sectarian...Show moreDerry Girls provides a humorous take on the Northern Irish Troubles. The sitcom, following the lives of a group of teenagers living in Derry in the 1990’s, combines the grimness of the sectarian conflict with the recognisability of teenage hardship. In the series, trauma is inherently linked to the everyday concepts of youth, humour, and community. These concepts are used to allow the characters and the audience to think critically on the events occurring in the series, as the conflict is presented with such normalcy. Additionally, they highlight a sense of hope and kinship and advocate for a youth-inclusive approach to peacebuilding. The series can also be seen as a product of its time; not only does it portray the zeitgeist of 1990’s Derry, it is also a response to the ongoing violence and paramilitary activity in Northern Ireland since the Good Friday Agreement. Derry Girls underlines the importance of community in the processing of trauma, established the ‘Derry Girls’ as an exemplification of peacebuilding, and uses humour as a means of the demystification of conflict.Show less
The following thesis aims at drawing a connection or lack thereof between the public discourse held by the British conservative party towards the Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA) and the...Show moreThe following thesis aims at drawing a connection or lack thereof between the public discourse held by the British conservative party towards the Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA) and the cinematic representation of IRA members. The thesis takes into account the last two decades of the Troubles, namely between 1969 and 1998.Show less
For three decades, loyalist militias, republican paramilitaries and the British Army fought against each other with Northern Ireland as their battlefield, the cities Belfast and Derry in particular...Show moreFor three decades, loyalist militias, republican paramilitaries and the British Army fought against each other with Northern Ireland as their battlefield, the cities Belfast and Derry in particular. Daily life was often severely interrupted by bombings, shootings, house searches and vehicle checks. Even though a peace agreement was achieved just before the turn of the 21st century, the country continues to experience a clear sectarian divide. Worldwide, many states are faced with similar problems of political or religious divides, often resulting in violence. Solutions to this type of violence are much debated and sought after, meaning that investigations into previous conflicts and how these were handled, or perhaps could have been prevented, are still of great importance, even decades after. Why did the Northern Irish conflict, referred to as ‘the Troubles’, continue to wage on for so long? Why were the combined efforts of the Northern Irish and British governments unable to control the violence that was taking over their country?Show less
The Troubles in Northern Ireland from 1968 until 1998 meant changing situations for women in Northern Irish society. Nonetheless, for many women the extent of change depended on which community...Show moreThe Troubles in Northern Ireland from 1968 until 1998 meant changing situations for women in Northern Irish society. Nonetheless, for many women the extent of change depended on which community they were part of. Women in nationalist/republican communities were more involved in all levels of society than their unionist/loyalist counterparts. This also manifested itself in the paramilitaries. The republican paramilitaries included more women and these women were active in a greater variety of roles than the women active in loyalist paramilitaries. The main reason given for this in academia is that republicanism is a more inclusive ideology with wider social goals than loyalism. This thesis analysed, using discourse analysis, party manifestos and conferences of the main unionist/loyalist and nationalist/republican parties in Northern Ireland during the Troubles to investigate whether this argument also extends to politics. In short, to analyse whether the republican/nationalist parties were more inclusive of women's issues than unionist/loyalist parties. The research found that unionist/loyalist parties generally tended to be less inclusive of women's issues than nationalist/republican ones, but there was one outlier: the loyalist Progressive Unionist Party, which included a wide variety of women's issues, more so than all nationalist/republican parties. Thus, this thesis concludes that the argument of republicanism as a more inclusive ideology extends to politics to some extent.Show less
The UK's decision to leave the EU has been a salient event in Europe over the last three years, often dominating the headlines. Ireland has more to lose from the UK leaving the EU than other member...Show moreThe UK's decision to leave the EU has been a salient event in Europe over the last three years, often dominating the headlines. Ireland has more to lose from the UK leaving the EU than other member states. This thesis examines Ireland's vulnerabilities with the implications of a possible return of a hard border in Northern Ireland. In particular, it examines how Ireland has managed to get the issue of the Irish border as a top priority on the EU agenda in the context of the Brexit negotiations. This is achieved using agenda-setting theory and examining the Irish Government use of framing the border issue to EU counterparts. The thesis finds that the Irish Government was extremely proactive, organized and consistent with discourse which resonated with the values of the EU. This discourse was used at a high politics level by Irish politicians in their engagement with officials of EU intuitions and member states. This persistent engagement and discourse with the EU was instrumental in turning the Irish border into a priority for the EU in the Brexit negotiations.Show less
The thesis explores the socio-political climate in Spain and the Basque country in the aftermath of the definitive 2011 ceasefire and the eventual 2018 dissolution of the Basque nationalist...Show moreThe thesis explores the socio-political climate in Spain and the Basque country in the aftermath of the definitive 2011 ceasefire and the eventual 2018 dissolution of the Basque nationalist militant group Euskadi ta Askatasuna (ETA), coming after more than half a century of its armed struggle against the Spanish state. Despite the end of physical violence, its legacies nevertheless still echo in the Basque Country and in Spain as a whole. The thesis analyses the highly polarised ‘fringe’ yet influential “Abertzale” and “Spanish nationalist” narratives which reflect these legacies, with fundamentally opposed parties effectively utilising these discourses as rhetorical weapons in public discourse and politics. A particular feature standing out in these narratives is the problematic conceptualisation of victimhood. The thesis examines these post-2011 narratives of victimhood in detail, specifically focusing on how they detrimentally affect the prospects for societal reconciliation following the end of ETA, whilst taking into account the complex historical burdens of the Basque case and the controversial legacies of the Francoist dictatorship which further entrench these narratives. Furthermore, the conceptualisations of victimhood in the often-compared Northern Irish case are scrutinised in order to devise a theoretical framework for this largely unexplored concept in the Basque case. It is finally concluded that clashing victimhood claims, deeply intertwined with the long-standing narratives of “political conflict” and “terrorism,” fundamentally impede progress towards reconciliation in the Basque case. The thesis suggests a victim-centric approach as well as a push for inclusive conceptualisations of victimhood may be the key avenues to explore in order to pursue societal reconciliation in the post-ETA era.Show less
Territorial power sharing is often used to diminish aspirations of independence among self-determination movements. The academic literature shows various perspectives on the effectiveness of...Show moreTerritorial power sharing is often used to diminish aspirations of independence among self-determination movements. The academic literature shows various perspectives on the effectiveness of territorial power sharing. It is often mentioned that territorial power sharing would have a short term stabilising effect, though aspirations of independence would revive on the long-term. This notion is examined through a discourse analysis combined with a content analysis in a case study of Northern Ireland and its self-determination movements. The research shows that the discourse on independence keeps decreasing over time. However, it seems like the struggle has been taken into the political arena, where a long-term plan for independence is evolving.Show less
This thesis identifies the methods that have been successful in managing ethnopolitical conflicts by focusing on two cases in the European periphery. Conflict management and mediation literature...Show moreThis thesis identifies the methods that have been successful in managing ethnopolitical conflicts by focusing on two cases in the European periphery. Conflict management and mediation literature consists of extensive work on both Cyprus and Northern Ireland. Yet, the role of external actors and kin-states in peacemaking in both cases are understudied. By showing the importance of a superpower third party intervention, this thesis provides theoretical and policy insights on conflict management. Contrary to the general argument on the importance of impartiality of mediation, this study argues that powerful states, due to their coercive capacity and power, have an increased chance of success in peace negotiations. Furthermore, regardless of impartiality, it is found that the more proximity (cultural, political, and economic ties) the third party has with the parties involved, the more likely it is to have the leverage necessary to achieve a concession.Show less
The EU may be facing a perfect storm as a result of recent crises, mounting Euroscepticism and rising nationalist sentiments, with the latter also playing a role in recent events in Catalonia and...Show moreThe EU may be facing a perfect storm as a result of recent crises, mounting Euroscepticism and rising nationalist sentiments, with the latter also playing a role in recent events in Catalonia and Scotland as well as in the Brexit referendum. This new political context provides an excellent opportunity to reassess the stance of the EU with regard to secessionist conflicts. This thesis uses this opportunity to build on the work of Bourne (2014) by analysing whether the political discourses of regionalist parties and EU representatives, on secession within the EU framework, changed between 2014 and 2017 – in the case of Catalonia, Scotland and Northern Ireland. The analysis shows that the only discourses that changed significantly over time were those of Sinn Féin in the Northern Irish case and of EU representatives with regard to Scotland. Besides change over time, it found change between cases; the discourse of EU representatives in the Northern Irish case represents a departure from the Prodi/Barroso Doctrine that was prominent in the Catalan and Scottish case. The findings also suggest that the EU’s unwillingness to be involved in secessionist conflicts as well as the dismissal of post-secession EU membership has not necessarily discouraged regionalist parties from using the EU to underline the civic nature of minority nationalism; the parties under analysis continued to seek legitimacy for their cause at the European level through strong normative language, while professing adherence to the EU (values) and the democratic will of the people. Finally, the thesis shows that the EU may have started to adopt a more active stance in secessionist debates – undeniably so in the case of Northern Ireland.Show less
Almost two decades after the implementation of the Good Friday Agreement, opinions differ in terms of its effectiveness in fostering peace and reconciliation. Although the number of deaths linked...Show moreAlmost two decades after the implementation of the Good Friday Agreement, opinions differ in terms of its effectiveness in fostering peace and reconciliation. Although the number of deaths linked to the conflict has sharply decreased since the signing of the agreement, a series of recent political developments have underlined some inadequacies within the current framework. Within academia, the two opposing schools of thought, namely consociationalism and integrationism, have been engaged in a debate regarding the empirical case of Northern Ireland and how it relates to current political science theory on conflict resolution in multi-ethnic states. This paper proposes an argument for a more nuanced theoretical approach to peacemaking by exploring two political issues that have been particularly problematic in Northern Ireland following the implementation of the Agreement. By analyzing the issues of integrated education and of the Irish language through the lens of both consociationalism and integrationism, I plan to further advance the theoretical debate in addition to providing relevant academic research applicable to the case of Northern Ireland. The inclusion of research and literature from a variety of disciplines allows for a more evidence driven approach to understanding the challenges facing the Northern Irish peace process today.Show less
On 30 January 1972 the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA) organised a peaceful, yet illegal march in Derry, Northern-Ireland. This march was one of a series of marches NICRA had...Show moreOn 30 January 1972 the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA) organised a peaceful, yet illegal march in Derry, Northern-Ireland. This march was one of a series of marches NICRA had organised in January 1972 to protest against interment. During the march in Derry, the British Army opened fire on the demonstrators, which led to the death of thirteen civilians. Fifteen other civilians were wounded, one of whom died a few months later due to his wounds. This day is more commonly known as ‘Bloody Sunday’. Two days later, the British government announced that an inquiry would be established under the Tribunals of Inquiry Act 1921 to investigate what had happened in Derry, and more importantly, why it happened. An inquiry is set up ‘where is has been resolved by both Houses of Parliament that it is expedient that a tribunal be established for inquiring into a definite matter described in the Resolution as of urgent public importance’. The report, led by Lord Chief Justice Widgery and therefore known as the Widgery Report, was published within eleven weeks, on 19 April. It concluded that ‘there is no reason to suppose that the soldiers would have opened fire if they had not been fired upon first’. About the victims, both deceased and wounded, Widgery concluded that although none of them were proved to have been armed when they were shot, there was a ‘strong suspicion that some [of the victims] had been firing weapons or handling bombs in the course of the afternoon and that yet others had been closely supporting them’. Not everyone agreed with this ‘official’ account of the events of 30 January. Some opponents to the findings have been re-enacting the Bloody Sunday march annually since 1973 in order to both show their disapproval of the Widgery Report, and to keep the memory of the victims alive. After twenty-five years of commemorating Bloody Sunday, and six years after a justice campaign for the victims had started, the then-British Prime Minister Tony Blair agreed to a new inquiry in 1998. This inquiry, known as the Saville Inquiry, was published in June 2010, twelve years after it had been set up. Contrary to the conclusions of the Widgery Report, the Saville Report concluded that it was the British Army, and not the Irish Republican Army (IRA) or the demonstrators, had fired the first shot, that the actions of the army were unjustifiable, and that the victims of the gunfire had been innocent. This paper looks at the annual Bloody Sunday commemorations from 1973 to 2013 in Derry to see what the effect of the public inquiries of 1972 and 1998 was on the perception of what happened at Bloody Sunday.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
What factors ensure the success of an international mediation effort in an intractable conflict? Academics and practitioners remain divided on the issue, with previous research offering many and...Show moreWhat factors ensure the success of an international mediation effort in an intractable conflict? Academics and practitioners remain divided on the issue, with previous research offering many and varied explanations. Existing studies have focused on the conflict’s intensity, the nature of the issues, the parties’ motivation to mediate, and the international context in order to understand the causes of a successful mediation. This research employs a framework incorporating contextual, behavioural, and procedural factors in order to determine the explanatory value of (a) the timing of a third-party’s entry into the conflict, (b) mediator impartiality and (c) legitimacy, and (d) the mediator’s strategy in two cases of international mediation in intractable conflicts. Through an in-depth analysis of Northern Ireland and Kosovo, this thesis argues that Northern Ireland’s successful mediation experience may be attributed to propitious timing and the presence of an impartial and legitimate mediator. Similarly, the failure of the mediation effort in Kosovo may have resulted from a combination of inauspicious timing and the presence of a mediator who was perceived by one of the negotiating parties as biased and illegitimate. While mediation is not necessarily a panacea for all conflicts, an understanding of which conditions lead to mediation success will aid practitioners in future mediation efforts.Show less
