Despite the scientifically proved inexistence of human races, racism yet exists as a result of the social construction and institutionalization of human races in societies. In the United States,...Show moreDespite the scientifically proved inexistence of human races, racism yet exists as a result of the social construction and institutionalization of human races in societies. In the United States, anti-Asian racism exists and is exceedingly problematic. At the same time, for the past thirty years United States power is relatively declining, and China is a rising power and changing the international world order. The Obama administration and the Trump administration dealt differently with the relative decline of United States power. In this paper, the United States government narrative of China and its effect on national anti-Asian racism in the United States is researched. First, existing literature on government policy tools, racism and narratives is critically analyzed. Thereafter, a narrative analysis is performed on the narratives used by the Obama administration and the Trump administration in a comparative case study. The results demonstrate that during the Trump presidency, the narrative of China was relatively more negative and anti-Asian racism levels were relatively higher. This implies that a more negative narrative of China causes more anti-Asian racism in the United States. Hence, this paper contributes to the academic field of political science by exposing the relation between governmental discursive power and citizen behavior.Show less
Since the full-scale Russian invasion began in 2022, more countries have provided Ukraine with lethal arms. A significant trend break for countries such as Germany, for example, therefore enjoying...Show moreSince the full-scale Russian invasion began in 2022, more countries have provided Ukraine with lethal arms. A significant trend break for countries such as Germany, for example, therefore enjoying much attention in society and literature. However, situations in which states will not provide arms are also of great political importance (Spindel, 2018). As these cases tend to be overlooked, this thesis examines the decision-making process of the Obama Administration that led to the decision not to provide Ukraine lethal assistance during his second term in the White House (2014-2017). Its focus is understanding the limitations undermining the ability of the patron's dilemma to explain the Obama case, as this study finds insufficient empirical evidence to use the theory to explain Obama's decision.Show less
Most comparative studies have focused on Obama and Trump’s elocution (e.g. Hill, 2020) or invention (Bostdorf, 2017). Much less research has been done on both speaker’s arrangement and deviation...Show moreMost comparative studies have focused on Obama and Trump’s elocution (e.g. Hill, 2020) or invention (Bostdorf, 2017). Much less research has been done on both speaker’s arrangement and deviation from the classical prescripts. Nevertheless, arrangement is an important process that is omnipresent in different canons and complicated by nature as there is not one set framework of ordering. The lack of a set order is caused by the heavy influence the audience has on the disposition of a speech. This thesis will look at arrangement in a broader sense by investigating how information is ordered in various cannons of rhetoric. Finally, this thesis aims to answer the central question: is Obama or Trump the most successful classical rhetorical speaker in terms of arranging the information in their speech. To research this, I examined and compared one set of speeches by Obama and Trump with various classical pre-set orders. The classical orders that were used were the parts of speech by Cicero, the three appeals by Aristotle, and Aristotle's stock issues that Katula and Roth modified to suit the modern deliberative rhetoric. Stock issues are questions that frequently occur during argumentation. They can help the speaker anticipate what questions will be asked and help the critic ask appropriate questions (Katula and Roth, 1980, p. 184). The results showed that Obama’s speech was closer to the classical pre-sets than Trump’s speech. Obama incorporates each component of the arrangement, whereas Trump has shown to leave out certain components. These results propose that classical rhetoric is still prevalent in modern rhetoric and suggest how classical rhetoric can be altered to suit the present-day audience. With this thesis, I hope to have shed light on the value of classical rhetoric, in particular of arrangement, in modern debate.Show less
Parsimonious system-based theories take center stage within the scholarly field of International Relations. Assuming the international system to be the key determinant of international politics,...Show moreParsimonious system-based theories take center stage within the scholarly field of International Relations. Assuming the international system to be the key determinant of international politics, they aim to explain any geopolitical event. Utilizing 60 speeches from United States presidents Obama and Trump, and employing China’s Belt and Road Initiative as an important divide, this thesis will examine the role of agency, through the individual leadership of both Obama and Trump, within the realm of international politics.Show less
This thesis researched the extent to which Bush and Obama used different conceptual metaphorical frames in their rhetoric concerning the Iraq War, and to what extent these frames helped them create...Show moreThis thesis researched the extent to which Bush and Obama used different conceptual metaphorical frames in their rhetoric concerning the Iraq War, and to what extent these frames helped them create a worldview that justified or opposed the Iraq War. The thesis argued that Bush and Obama both use the same metaphorical model, in which they create a hero, villain, and a victim, to justify or oppose the Iraq War. Whereas the existing literature mainly focused on the use of metaphorical framing in a political context, this thesis looks at the political context concerning war. The thesis specifically contributes to the existing literature on metaphorical framing in a war context, and the "Fairytale of a Just War theory" by George Lakoff, because it shows that telling a story in which there is a hero, villain, and a victim can be used to tell a different story than the story in which war is justifiedShow less
In 2008, the same year Barack Obama got elected president, the Marvel Cinematic Universe (MCU) was launched with the release of Iron Man 1. The launch of the MCU introduced a new era with regard to...Show moreIn 2008, the same year Barack Obama got elected president, the Marvel Cinematic Universe (MCU) was launched with the release of Iron Man 1. The launch of the MCU introduced a new era with regard to super hero movies. Likewise, the election of Barack Obama promised a different direction for the United States foreign policy. Obama advocated using soft power and diplomacy in order to solve the challenges he had inherited from the George W. Bush Administration. This paper looks at the extent to which Phase One of the MCU reflects, and as such aids, the approach of the Obama administration to foreign policy.Show less
This thesis analyzes the motives behind the hesitation of the American military interference in Syria to overthrow President Bashar al Assad. It provides a close focus on the role of global and...Show moreThis thesis analyzes the motives behind the hesitation of the American military interference in Syria to overthrow President Bashar al Assad. It provides a close focus on the role of global and regional actors in Syria. The research question of this paper is: What explains the hesitancy of the US involvement in the Syrian War? The research is focused on the red-line speech of President Obama to intervene in Syria and the following chemical weapon attack in Damascus. This study provides significant insight into the political relations between the US and Syria as well as the Syrian civil war. Many academic pieces of literature have been examined to combine valuable information about the power dynamics in the Middle East and their impact on the Syrian civil war. As a result, it is concluded that there are multiple causes behind the hesitancy of the US military intervention in Syria. These are listed as, the vetoes of Russia and China in the UN Security Council, the concern of non-ending regional war, the economic, political and humanitarian costs of the war, the emergence of the radical groups and the absence of strong secular opposition, the concern of state of chaos after the intervention, minor factors like difficult geography, population and the advanced air defense of SyriaShow less
This thesis is looking to examine the role of race in politics by looking at the 2008 presidential campaign, from the moment Obama announced his candidacy in February 2007 to the election night in...Show moreThis thesis is looking to examine the role of race in politics by looking at the 2008 presidential campaign, from the moment Obama announced his candidacy in February 2007 to the election night in 2008. The focus of the racial discourse lies in this period of Obama’s campaign, ending on election night. As the concept of new race politics was coined after the win, we will evaluate its effects during the campaign. By focusing solely on the campaigning period, an analysis can be made on how the candidacy was influenced by race and by extension how the perception of the role of race in politics changed. Ultimately, the question that this research is looking to answer is: “To what extent has Barack Obama’s presidential election in 2008 led to a change in perception of the role of race?”Show less
This dissertation will analyze the George W. Bush and Obama administrations with regard to foreign policy toward Iran. As these two presidents took office after the 9/11 terrorist attacks, this...Show moreThis dissertation will analyze the George W. Bush and Obama administrations with regard to foreign policy toward Iran. As these two presidents took office after the 9/11 terrorist attacks, this paper will be analyzing their foreign policy decisions and approaches toward Iran in the context of the War on Terror. Right after the 9/11 attacks, George W. Bush designated Iran as part of the ‘axis of evil’ which he considered to be foreign governments that sponsored terrorism and sought weapons of mass destruction. Interestingly enough, when Bush launched the War on Terror military campaign, his plans included the invasion of several Middle-Eastern countries but excluded Iran. Iran was known to have nuclear capabilities but was never invaded. Under Bush, relations are considered to have worsened due to the 9/11 attacks, Iran’s suspected possession of nuclear weapons, and sanctions placed by the U.N. and the United States. When President Obama was elected in 2009 however, his approach to foreign policy dramatically shifted the political environment but ultimately resulted in improved relations between the two countries. The difference in approach to foreign policy, the tactics, and the results between Bush and Obama will be the focus of this research.Show less
The 2008 US presidential election was notable for many reasons. Concerning environmental issues, both candidates, Barack Obama for the Democrats, and John McCain for the Republicans, took distance...Show moreThe 2008 US presidential election was notable for many reasons. Concerning environmental issues, both candidates, Barack Obama for the Democrats, and John McCain for the Republicans, took distance from the Bush administration. Obama’s victory more than ever brought a sparkle of hope for change. Environmentalists both in the United States and worldwide were pleased from his first actions as president, that looked up to what he campaigned the months before. This thesis analyses Obama’s rhetoric and practice on energy and climate change from his first presidential campaign trail in 2008 until the end of his second mandate in 2016, in order to assess whether he ‘walked the talk’ on environmental matters. Moreover, it considers Obama’s position as an environmentalist, by looking at the energy security discourse and at its implications for climate change and global security.Show less
This thesis seeks to explain the motivations behind the transition from sanctions to negotiations in the context of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPoA) or the ‘Iran Deal’. Firstly, an...Show moreThis thesis seeks to explain the motivations behind the transition from sanctions to negotiations in the context of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPoA) or the ‘Iran Deal’. Firstly, an elaboration on two-level negotiation theory is offered. Consequently, and in line with the underlying assumptions of the reviewed literature, three factors are assessed in order to provide an answer to the main research question ‘What factors best explain the coming about of the Joint Plan of Action?’ These are historic events that shaped relations, the effectiveness of the sanctions imposed, and the respective political leadership. This question is highly relevant and topical, as where President Obama in both of his election campaigns openly sought diplomatic rapprochement with Iran, President Trump campaigned the promise to withdraw from the JCPoA and re-impose sanctions. The findings of this thesis show that rationality is not a durable approach to international decision-making. Ineffectiveness of the sanctions did not prevent them from being continued or even aggravated. Rather, a determining factor in the case of Iran seems to be the leadership of both countries. These two factors gave the political momentum to realise the start of negotiationsShow less
This thesis aims at assessing the US rhetorical response in terms of democracy promotion to the events of the Arab Uprising, with a particular focus on the political transitions started in Egypt...Show moreThis thesis aims at assessing the US rhetorical response in terms of democracy promotion to the events of the Arab Uprising, with a particular focus on the political transitions started in Egypt after 2011. Given the long history the mutual interests between the US and Egypt, the study conducts a throughout discourse analysis on the US statements and speeches delivered in the period 2011-2014, using the method of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA). The analysis identifies three major narratives displayed by the US narrative, namely democracy promotion, regional stability/US-Egypt partnership and security interests, in order to understand how the discourses came together in the US rhetoric. More specifically, the thesis contends that, after an initial cautious support for the Egyptian democratization, the Obama administration increased the narrative on democracy promotion in 2011 and 2012, while associating it to the regional stability discourse. However, after the initial democracy euphoria displayed in the first two years after the revolution, the exam of the documents seems to reveal a notable prioritization of the security narrative in 2013 and 2014, especially with reference to counterterrorism practices and regional security. Finally, the thesis underlines the presence of a tension between the democracy promotion and the fostering of security objectives which worsened after the ouster of Morsi in July 2013.Show less
This thesis considered the shift of soft power of the United States in relation to the foreign policy on war on terrorism during the Bush and Obama presidency. It considered three measurements of...Show moreThis thesis considered the shift of soft power of the United States in relation to the foreign policy on war on terrorism during the Bush and Obama presidency. It considered three measurements of soft power: (1) discourse in speeches regarding the war on terrorism, (2) allied support from the United Kingdom and Germany in joining three specific war on terrorism operations, (3) and polls from the United Kingdom and Germany in relation to the foreign policy on the war on terrorism. These three measurements showed a shift in soft power of the United States in relation to the war on terrorism from 2001 to 2016: in comparison to the decline of soft power during the Bush presidency, the soft power was rising during the Obama presidency.Show less
This thesis examines the following research question: how did US Arctic policy concerning oil drilling change from 2001-2017 (Bush and Obama administration)? By researching this question, this...Show moreThis thesis examines the following research question: how did US Arctic policy concerning oil drilling change from 2001-2017 (Bush and Obama administration)? By researching this question, this thesis will examine how their policy discourses and actual policy strategies differed from each other. The thesis contains a comparative case studies between the Bush and Obama administrations, and gives an insight in the debate about (current) energy challenges and environmental issues. The theoretical framework is drawn from constructivist and discursive approaches, and consists of different elements which are subject to individual discourse analysis.Show less
When president Obama announced the Asia Pivot in 2011, the US was facing an increased security threat from China. With this increased security threat, structural realism expects balancing behaviour...Show moreWhen president Obama announced the Asia Pivot in 2011, the US was facing an increased security threat from China. With this increased security threat, structural realism expects balancing behaviour. The pivot contains elements which indicate balancing behaviour, whereas other elements do not. Neoclassical realism argues that the policymaking process is influenced by several forces. Firstly, leader images influence the process, and Obama’s image of international relations is one of pragmatism, and a believe that China’s growth could prove a good thing. Furthermore, the US strategic culture relies heavily on technology, state-society relations are characterised by a belief in global capitalism, and the Great Recession was the issue of the time, impacting all groups in society. Foreign policy decision making knows multiple actors in the US system. All the aforementioned factors influence the actual policymaking process, which begins at the perception of the systemic incentives. Obama understood the risks China posed, but believed a pragmatist mix between the carrot and the stick was best to deal with the threat. He thought the solution to the Great Recession was in International Trade, and China could help with that as well as his foreign policy goals of solving the nuclear threats from Iran and North-Korea. Foreign policy was also an easy victory in the Republican dominated House, which blocked his domestic agenda, and with the Pivot supported by the Republicans, Obama may have hoped that the Republicans would come along a bit more on his domestic agenda. The decision-making of the pivot was not so easy, however. Surprisingly enough not because many wanted the president to be tougher on China, but because the people were tired of US interventionism, and the political actors from Obama’s own party were reluctant to support a trade deal. TPP was supported by corporations, republicans and the people, but not by the democrats, and labour unions. The military component of the pivot was costly. Lastly, the US cultural trust in technology may well explain its tough approach in the cyber war with China. The policy-implementation phase was characterised by disagreement between different parts of the Administration. The State Department, Department of Defence and the President occasionally found each other at the other end of the table. In Obama’s second Administration, the execution of the Pivot seems to have slowed down. In conclusion: neoclassical realism gives a more inclusive account of the pivot. The implications hereof are that in due time, we may have to come to the conclusion that neoclassical realism is better suited to explain actual state behaviour. Other implications may be that the determinism underlying Gilpin’s power transitioning theory is not matching reality. In short, the implication of this research is that states are in fact not unitary actors, but domestic agency matters next to structural incentives.Show less
This thesis looked at U.S. counterterrorism policies and strategy in Yemen during the precidencies of Bush and Obama, and how those were related to the decline of state power in Yemen. It...Show moreThis thesis looked at U.S. counterterrorism policies and strategy in Yemen during the precidencies of Bush and Obama, and how those were related to the decline of state power in Yemen. It demonstrated that both presidents had a different approach towards the country. Whereas Bush's policies were rather reactive to the developments in Yemen, Obama instead drafted a plan and stuck with it, even though there were major changes in the country during his tenure.Show less
The election of Obama, the first black president of the United States, marked a significant break with the past. Scholars have studied the rise in optimism for racial progress in light of the...Show moreThe election of Obama, the first black president of the United States, marked a significant break with the past. Scholars have studied the rise in optimism for racial progress in light of the symbolic significance of this historic event. However, the literature fails to address the relationship between Obama’s actions and policies and African Americans’ perceptions of opportunity to achieve the American Dream. This thesis finds that Obama generally took a one-size-fits-all approach, targeting all Americans including blacks. Drawing on sixteen survey responses and various national polls, this thesis argues that the majority of African Americans believe that Obama has expanded opportunities to achieve the American Dream. However, using the dual consciousness theory, it also identifies that both structural barriers, such as discrimination, and individual barriers, such as unstable conditions in black families continue to limit blacks’ opportunities to achieve the American Dream.Show less
The War on Terror was initiated by President George W. Bush as a response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. The War on Terror was not just a concept, it was a range of strategies,...Show moreThe War on Terror was initiated by President George W. Bush as a response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. The War on Terror was not just a concept, it was a range of strategies, ideologies and expectations to justify the American response to the attacks and an expression around which the American public could rally. It shaped the nature and the scope of the American counterterrorism strategy to the terrorist attacks, into a specific form of conflict. This thesis demonstrates what the two different counterterrorism strategies entailed, and the different interpretations President Bush and President Obama gave to the War on Terror. Bush approached the attacks as an ‘act of war’, and rationalized the event through the Just War theory. Whereas Obama framed the conflict as a ‘crime’, of which the perpetrators should be brought to justice, in order to end the conflict as quickly as possible. During his campaign, Obama gave the impression of a foreign policy strategy that radically moved away from Bush. However, Bush had embedded a strong hegemonic discourse regarding the War on Terror in society. This social structure was complex to change, since it was entrenched in rhetoric, media and real-life institutions. Thus, Obama faced great difficulty during his first term, in order to change this hegemonic discourse, and was severely limited in executing his intended foreign policy regarding the Middle East.Show less
