What happens when populist radical right parties (PRRPs) adopt an anti-lockdown stance? PRRPs in Western Europe, which in ideology are mostly comparable, have been divided on the issue of COVID-19....Show moreWhat happens when populist radical right parties (PRRPs) adopt an anti-lockdown stance? PRRPs in Western Europe, which in ideology are mostly comparable, have been divided on the issue of COVID-19. The answer does not follow automatically from their economic, cultural or anti-elitist positions, which all seem to advocate for a different strategy. In some countries, such as the Netherlands, two PRRPs have each taken a different approach: one became an anti-lockdown party, the other did not. In this study the effects of becoming an anti-lockdown party on their voter base, who either vote for economic, cultural or anti-elitist reasons, have been examined using a mediation analysis on existing panel data. This study concludes that voters, who mostly vote because they agree with the PRRPs cultural right-wing positions, might be dissuaded to vote for a PRRP that has become an anti-lockdown party. However, anti-lockdown attitudes most strongly positively affect voting for an anti-lockdown party on their own and appear to tap into a new voter base. Future research is needed in order to corroborate this finding.Show less
Nationalism, Euroscepticism and populism are intertwined concepts in many Western European political parties. Discourse reveals the relationship between nationalism and Euroscepticism to be the...Show moreNationalism, Euroscepticism and populism are intertwined concepts in many Western European political parties. Discourse reveals the relationship between nationalism and Euroscepticism to be the adherence of discursive rules based on Kohn’s dichotomy. The political parties PVV and UKIP are discursively analysed, resulting in an illustration of their reasoning justified by xenophobia, ethno-cultural homogeneity and Western-centrism through populist language.Show less
Over the past few years, European countries have faced one of the most defining challenges since the beginning of the 21st century, the European migration crisis. The European migration crisis...Show moreOver the past few years, European countries have faced one of the most defining challenges since the beginning of the 21st century, the European migration crisis. The European migration crisis started in 2015 after a large number of migrants fled from danger and instability and asked for asylum in Europe. The debate about the incoming migrants has caused a lot of disagreement amongst European member states on how to deal with this challenge. Some member states of the European Union but also European citizens, see migrants as a threat towards their ‘own’ nations, even though numbers are declining. The securitisation theory can explain this perception towards migrants. Since, the theory takes into account that political leaders/parties can construct an issue, like migration, into a security threat. This thesis addresses the theory of securitising migration and how political parties have used the theory on a national level, in the Netherlands, and in particular one party. Therefore, this thesis will analyse the research question “To what extent has the PVV used the securitisationof migration - in response to the European migration crisis - as a political tool within their policies?” In order to understand the relationship between the securitisation of migration and the Dutch right-wing party the PVV. This thesis first aims to provide a discussion on how the PVV constructed the issue of migration into a security threat and later will analyse how this impacted or is related to different policy areas. It will do this by using a qualitative method of a discourse analysis on three different policy areas: the welfare state, European integration and the Dutch health care system. In doing so this thesis hopes to identify to what extent the PVV has used the securitisation of migration as a political tool for their own electoral gain.Show less
A study on the democratic values of the PVV. The study is divided in three different sectors, examining the party's ideologies, the party's organisational structure and the party's and the way the...Show moreA study on the democratic values of the PVV. The study is divided in three different sectors, examining the party's ideologies, the party's organisational structure and the party's and the way the party functions in the Dutch democratic society.Show less
Een studie naar de motieven van Populistisch Radicaal-Rechtse Partijen in Europa in hun symphatie voor / steun aan Poetin ten tijde van het Oekraine-conflict anno april, mei 2014
In aanloop naar de verkiezingen van 2014 voor het Europees Parlement heeft de PVV aangegeven plaats te willen nemen in een eurosceptische fractie. De partijen die zich bij deze fractie zullen gaan...Show moreIn aanloop naar de verkiezingen van 2014 voor het Europees Parlement heeft de PVV aangegeven plaats te willen nemen in een eurosceptische fractie. De partijen die zich bij deze fractie zullen gaan aansluiten zijn met name partijen die in het verleden, of nog steeds, extreemrechtse standpunten uiten. Dit was tijdens de Europese Parlementsverkiezingen in 2009 voor de PVV een reden om niet met hen te gaan samenwerken. In deze studie is onderzocht of de PVV zich tijdens de campagneperiode voor de Europese Parlementsverkiezingen van 2014 zich meer rechtsextremistisch uit dan in diezelfde periode in 2009. Hieruit blijkt dat de PVV de meeste rechtsextremistische gedachten (nationalisme, etnocentrisme, racisme, xenofobie, autoritarisme en antidemocratische houding) heeft versterkt of uitgebreid.Show less
Populisme is iets van alle tijden, maar is sinds de komst van de Partij voor de Vrijheid, is populisme nadrukkelijker aanwezig in de Nederlandse politiek.Er is dan ook erg veel over te zeggen, maar...Show morePopulisme is iets van alle tijden, maar is sinds de komst van de Partij voor de Vrijheid, is populisme nadrukkelijker aanwezig in de Nederlandse politiek.Er is dan ook erg veel over te zeggen, maar het doel van deze scriptie is niet om te herhalen wat andere hebben geschreven, maar om iets te onderzoeken wat nog niet gedaan is. Dit is het doen van onderzoek naar de kwaliteit van het debat dat de populistische partij van Geert Wilders voert.Het doel van deze scriptie is om te onderbouwen waarom de manier van debat voeren van de PVV niet goed is, en of die manier van debatteren eigenlijk wel echt niet goed is. Dit zal gebeuren aan de hand van een instrument genaamd: DQI (Discourse Quality Index). De onderzoeksvraag die bij deze scriptie centraal staat is: is de deliberatieve kwaliteit van Tweede Kamer debatten uit de kabinetsperiode Kok ll (waar de PVV nog niet aan meedeed) beter volgens de DQI van Steiner et al., dan Tweede Kamer debatten uit de periode Balkenende IV(waar de PVV wel meedeed)(2004)? En de tweede vraag die in deze scriptie wordt behandelt is: Is de deliberatieve kwaliteit van PVV Kamerleden slechter dan die van andere Kamerleden volgens de DQI van Steiner et al.(2004)?Show less
