Until 2014, Ukraine Distinguished itself from fellow former Soviet republics through its competitive political arena and lack of domestic armed conflict. That changed in 2014 with the Euromaidan...Show moreUntil 2014, Ukraine Distinguished itself from fellow former Soviet republics through its competitive political arena and lack of domestic armed conflict. That changed in 2014 with the Euromaidan protests in February, followed by the Russian annexation of the Crimean Peninsula in March. These protests turned violent, triggering a government sanctioned counterterrorism operation in response. Peace negotiations coordinated by the OSCE resulted in the signing of the Mink Protocol establishing an immediate cease-fire monitored by the OSCE. Despite these international efforts, the fighting in Donbas sustained and Donbas turned into a semi-frozen conflict facing sporadic military skirmishes. Within the analysis of new civil wars, further specification can be made to distinguish protracted social conflicts (PSCs), or those in which groups are deprived of basic needs on the basis of communal identity as a result of a complex causal chain involving the role of the state and international linkages. PSCs are of particular interest in the case of Ukraine as it experienced unparalleled demographic reversals throughout the 20th century. This research postures the following question: to what extent is the post-Euromaidan prevalence of separatist paramilitary activity in Donbas a manifestation of a protracted social conflict? Using an adaptation of Azar’s genesis model as a framework in order to attempt to partially answer the aforementioned question, it is concluded that the separatist paramilitary activity in Donbas is likely a manifestation of a protracted social conflict based on human need deprivation.Show less
The Troubles in Northern Ireland from 1968 until 1998 meant changing situations for women in Northern Irish society. Nonetheless, for many women the extent of change depended on which community...Show moreThe Troubles in Northern Ireland from 1968 until 1998 meant changing situations for women in Northern Irish society. Nonetheless, for many women the extent of change depended on which community they were part of. Women in nationalist/republican communities were more involved in all levels of society than their unionist/loyalist counterparts. This also manifested itself in the paramilitaries. The republican paramilitaries included more women and these women were active in a greater variety of roles than the women active in loyalist paramilitaries. The main reason given for this in academia is that republicanism is a more inclusive ideology with wider social goals than loyalism. This thesis analysed, using discourse analysis, party manifestos and conferences of the main unionist/loyalist and nationalist/republican parties in Northern Ireland during the Troubles to investigate whether this argument also extends to politics. In short, to analyse whether the republican/nationalist parties were more inclusive of women's issues than unionist/loyalist parties. The research found that unionist/loyalist parties generally tended to be less inclusive of women's issues than nationalist/republican ones, but there was one outlier: the loyalist Progressive Unionist Party, which included a wide variety of women's issues, more so than all nationalist/republican parties. Thus, this thesis concludes that the argument of republicanism as a more inclusive ideology extends to politics to some extent.Show less
