China’s increased presence within the UN and its peacekeeping missions shows its will to be a responsible actor, whilst shifting away from the China threat theory that has fed Western thought....Show moreChina’s increased presence within the UN and its peacekeeping missions shows its will to be a responsible actor, whilst shifting away from the China threat theory that has fed Western thought. However, little research has been done on how power is perceived within this field. The state claims to be non-interventionist but still sent an increasing amount of combat troops to Africa. It is unknown if the end goal is to provide aid or if there is more to it. This study intends to research what China’s model for peace and development within the mission of South Sudan entails, both theoretically and practically, and how it might use an underlying strategy of smart power. Herein, Nye’s concept of smart power is a way for a nation to maximise its strength through a combination of hard and soft power. In order to measure smart power, the components of military, economic, and affective and normative soft power were used. Military and economic power exist on as spectrum ranging from hard to soft power, whilst soft power is also devised into tangible and intangible assets. To research power, the thesis has used a variation of academic sources, databases, newspapers, and official governmental papers. These were chosen as to examine official reporting and factual outcomes. The results showed that the Chinese model for development contains soft power elements, whilst its activities in South Sudan employ both soft and hard power. The results therefore suggest that China might pursue a smart power strategy to safeguard its own interests. The realist concept of power still holds up today and might prove valuable to research more areas of power in UN missions on the African continent.Show less
The United Nations did not deploy a peacekeeping mission in Africa for a quarter of a century following its contentious intervention in the Congo in the early 1960s. Due to this lack of military...Show moreThe United Nations did not deploy a peacekeeping mission in Africa for a quarter of a century following its contentious intervention in the Congo in the early 1960s. Due to this lack of military intervention, much of the existing scholarship has overlooked the organisation’s influence in the process of African decolonisation during the Cold War. In contrast, this thesis re-examines the relationship between United Nations intervention and African decolonisation through the case studies of the Congo and Southern Rhodesia between 1960 and 1980. During this period, the United Nations explored alternative means of diplomatic and economic intervention in Africa, examined in this thesis through the organisation’s relationship with the white minority government of Southern Rhodesia. This was not a period of non-intervention, but rather a time of complex reconfiguration for the organisation concerning its future role within the process of African decolonisation.Show less
This thesis looks at the promotion of democracy within the Democratic Republic of Congo preformed by the UN mission MONUC. This thesis reasons that the strategy used within MONUC was not suitable...Show moreThis thesis looks at the promotion of democracy within the Democratic Republic of Congo preformed by the UN mission MONUC. This thesis reasons that the strategy used within MONUC was not suitable for the country as it was highly concentrated on the national level, barely taking the important local issues and causes for the continuing of violence into account. Next this thesis suggests that the promotion of democracy had unwanted side effects that partly evolved from the MONUC mandate that highly prioritised elections over the implementation of institutions that could have guided the elections and regulated the local security issues that the country was facing.Show less
For the last decade, a new trend has emerged in both the academic as well as political debate which identifies a decline of American domination and a rise of “the rest”. In other words, a movement...Show moreFor the last decade, a new trend has emerged in both the academic as well as political debate which identifies a decline of American domination and a rise of “the rest”. In other words, a movement towards multipolarity. A particular topic of dispute among both scholars and politicians is the degree to which this multipolar world order is either regionalising or globalising the world. One of the domains that has been impacted by the study of regionalisation is the domain of security. A particular topic of debate amongst politicians and scholars concerns peace operations and the role of the United Nations (UN) and regional organisations. Within the African context, the question arises if the Regional Economic Communities (RECs) should take on the role of regional peacekeepers. This paper sets out to analyse the regionalisation of peace operations in Africa and question the viability of regional organisations as an alternative to the UN as main actor in peace operations. To this end, it will measure the ability of RECs to organise and execute peace operations. It will become clear that the regionalisation of security is a logical consequence of the regional and cross-border characteristic of African conflicts and that regional organisations bring some merits to the table in terms of local legitimacy and willingness. Nevertheless, the case of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) will show that a long way still lies ahead and that the organisation currently only manages to bridge some of the same shortcomings as the UN encounters, without offering much advantages.Show less
This thesis examines the foundations for success in peacekeeping operations. To this end, the absence or presence of two preconditions, commitment, and credibility, which are essential for the...Show moreThis thesis examines the foundations for success in peacekeeping operations. To this end, the absence or presence of two preconditions, commitment, and credibility, which are essential for the fulfillment of the assigned mandate are explored on a cross-case- study comparison between UNMISS and MONUSCO. Indicator questions yield information on the extent to which each operation encompasses the investigated preconditions. The findings of the analysis indicate that UNMISS has low commitment and low credibility, and MONUSCO has high commitment and rather high credibility. Based on the absence of the preconditions in UNMISS, this thesis argues that the operation lacks a strong foundation for the effective fulfillment of its mandate, and thus has negative prospects for success, while MONSUCO, due to the presence of credibility and commitment has rather positive prospects for a successful implementation of its mandate.Show less
Measuring success of Peacekeeping operations is an ongoing methodological challenge. This study aims at making a contribution towards the creation of a unified method to evaluate missions by way...Show moreMeasuring success of Peacekeeping operations is an ongoing methodological challenge. This study aims at making a contribution towards the creation of a unified method to evaluate missions by way studying them through the lens of Human Security. The paper reviews the extent to which the three Peacekeeping operations deployed in the Middle East (UNTSO, UNDOF & UNIFIL) have in providing or facilitating Human Security and finds that while the missions have created successful inter-operation cooperation and have evolved from their first-generation mandates, the UN needs to make Peacekeeping more people-centered in order to ensure lasting peace, progress and prosperity. This research is both theoretically driven and policy-oriented and hopes to fill the gap in the literature of how can Peacekeeping be coupled with Human Security.Show less
In the Western world a popular belief is that great nations should take responsibility and protect the populations of conflict-ridden countries. In many ways we could argue that China is on its way...Show moreIn the Western world a popular belief is that great nations should take responsibility and protect the populations of conflict-ridden countries. In many ways we could argue that China is on its way to becoming a great nation, thus expectations that the Chinese leadership steps up to this task are mounting. Traditional Chinese foreign policy is based on respect for the sovereignty of other nations, non-intervention and laissez-faire in general. Greater economic interests in areas abroad are in conflict with these traditional principles. In this thesis we have therefore researched whether China is putting economic and diplomatic pragmatism ahead of principle. While Beijing attempts to avoid involvement in matters that are not of national interest, we will see from two case studies - based on the Libyan civil war and the Syrian civil war - that this has become increasingly difficult. Moreover, when looking at UN peacekeeping operations we see that China is an actively contributing P5 member. It seems that 'wuwei' (or not-doing), is becoming an untenable stance in a globalizing world.Show less
This thesis examines the influence of Hezbollah on the peacekeeping mission of the United Nations Interim Forces in Lebanon. It mentions the problems that arise when violent non-state actors have a...Show moreThis thesis examines the influence of Hezbollah on the peacekeeping mission of the United Nations Interim Forces in Lebanon. It mentions the problems that arise when violent non-state actors have a armed and political wing, as is the case for Hezbollah. This poses legal issues for UNIFIL as well as challenges the practicing of its mandate. It does not matter how robust UNIFIL had become since its establishment in 1978, it experienced difficulty in controlling the armed wing of Hezbollah (or any other group) in Lebanon. I will argue that working together as a peacekeeping mission with a violent non-state actor is only possible if and when an armed non-state actor disarms itself, and involves itself in the political process as a legitimate political party.Show less
This article investigates rebel opportunity structures in non-ethnic civil wars. It argues rebel leaders act rationally and decide on war and peace on the basis of security and economic...Show moreThis article investigates rebel opportunity structures in non-ethnic civil wars. It argues rebel leaders act rationally and decide on war and peace on the basis of security and economic considerations. Rebel leaders only demobilize if the net benefits of peace are greater than the net benefits of war. Third-party interventions, such as United Nations peacekeeping operations, are only able to end civil war when it offers credible security guarantees to the rebel group and sufficiently alters the incentives rebel leaders face through the disruption of the rebel war economy. Only if an outside intervention manages to curb profits emanating from autonomous rebel financing, such as illicit resource extraction and trade or outside state support, will war no longer pay and will rebels comply with provisions offered in a negotiated peace settlement. The theory is supported by case studies of United Nations peacekeeping efforts during the Sierra Leone civil war (1991-2002) and the Second Congo War (1998-2003) in the Democratic Republic of Congo.Show less
