Southeast Asian states are working to set regional human rights standards concerning torture prevention. The relationship between Southeast Asia and international human rights law regarding torture...Show moreSoutheast Asian states are working to set regional human rights standards concerning torture prevention. The relationship between Southeast Asia and international human rights law regarding torture warrants increased academic attention. This text looks at the connection between the UN Optional Protocol to the Convention against Torture and torture prevention in Southeast Asia, conducting a small-N case study of torture prevention in Cambodia and the Philippines. It finds evidence consistent with stagnation in torture prevention in Cambodia and improved torture prevention in the Philippines following OPCAT ratification. Furthermore, Southeast Asian states may be diversifying in their approaches to international human rights law regarding torture according to political regime type.Show less
Due to their limited relative power and material capabilities, neorealism posits that weaker states can either pursue a balancing or bandwagoning strategy against the revisionist power threat....Show moreDue to their limited relative power and material capabilities, neorealism posits that weaker states can either pursue a balancing or bandwagoning strategy against the revisionist power threat. However, Southeast Asian states are not behaving as the neorealist expectations suggest. Instead, hedging explains why these smaller states opt for middle-ground strategies, but this framework fails to account for sudden shifts in foreign policy. Consequently, there is still no clear consensus on what explains varying foreign policy behaviour in weaker Southeast Asian states under similar systemic pressures from US-China competition. To fill this gap, this thesis seeks to answer the research question: ‘How do domestic political factors contribute to a change in a weaker state’s foreign policy strategy toward competing great powers?’ The thesis approaches this question by using Schweller’s (2006) neoclassical realist theory of underbalancing behaviour which provides a model of four intervening domestic-level factors to explain strategic changes. The four domestic-level factors: elite consensus, elite cohesion, societal cohesion, and government vulnerability are applied to a single case study of the Philippines under President Duterte and analysed through archival analysis and process tracing. The analysis demonstrates that the four domestic political factors had influenced the Philippines’ decision to restrengthen their US alliance and distance themselves from further alignment with China to an extent. It further found government vulnerability and social cohesion to be the most significant explanatory factors. These findings contribute to a better understanding of weaker state foreign policy behaviour amid great power rivalry and underlines the importance of a domestic-level analysis.Show less
This thesis is an analysis of the intersection of kinship politics and religion in the 20th century Philippines. It discusses their cultural influence and effects on the protests and revolution...Show moreThis thesis is an analysis of the intersection of kinship politics and religion in the 20th century Philippines. It discusses their cultural influence and effects on the protests and revolution against the Ferdinand Marcos dictatorship. A social history conducted through interviews of witnesses, activists, and Filipino immigrants is used to contextualize major events of the 1980s. The years 1981-1987 were chosen due to the historical importance of events such as the visit of Pope John Paul II, the assassination of opposition leader Ninoy Aquino, and the EDSA revolution which toppled the dictator.Show less
At present, the study of disinformation remains relatively confined to personality-oriented and technologically deterministic approaches in the context of white nationalist populism or Trump...Show moreAt present, the study of disinformation remains relatively confined to personality-oriented and technologically deterministic approaches in the context of white nationalist populism or Trump cronyism. Guided by Actor-Network Theory’s translation process, this thesis builds on ethnographically grounded and comparative research on disinformation producers in the Philippines as it looks at the two most recent presidential elections in 2016 and 2022. Drawing from netnographic observations across social media platforms Facebook, Twitter, Youtube and Twitter, as well as published media interviews, I propose that disinformation networks under Rodrigo Duterte and Bongbong Marcos proved deeply complex, hierarchic and exploitative. The empirical material illustrates how different actors came together under one voice, mobilising a network of entities to promote each presidential candidate’s election. By making visible the organisational relations and labour arrangments underpinning political disinformation campaigns, as well as the mechanisms of control exercised over them, the following paper aims to deepen an understanding of these harmful networks in order to prevent their future occurrence.Show less
This thesis discusses the presentation of indigenous Filipinos in exhibition photography of the 1904 World's Fair in St. Louis. Rather than as passive participants to the American presentation of...Show moreThis thesis discusses the presentation of indigenous Filipinos in exhibition photography of the 1904 World's Fair in St. Louis. Rather than as passive participants to the American presentation of benevolent assimilation, this study argues that photographs can be used to find instances of indigenous agency and that the indigenous Filipinos presented in them were active participants in the "event of photography." This is done through a 'watching' of photographic ensembles of the five major Filipino indigenous groups (Igorot, Moro, Visayan, Bagobo, Negrito), looking at how each group was presented in photographs with a single subject, the group interacting amongst themselves, and the group when interacting with Western technology and culture.Show less
The anti-imperialists in the United States, unified in the Anti-Imperialist League (AIL) used race among various other arguments to oppose the annexation of the Philippines after the Spanish...Show moreThe anti-imperialists in the United States, unified in the Anti-Imperialist League (AIL) used race among various other arguments to oppose the annexation of the Philippines after the Spanish-American War (1898). The primary argument of the AIL was that the annexation devalued the American founding principles, although other arguments, such as race, were raised as well. Earlier works have examined the relation between race and (anti-) imperialism in the context of American imperialism at the end of the nineteenth century, albeit in a broader context. This thesis aims to determine in what ways race was fundamental to the AIL’s views of the annexation of the Philippines. To determine how fundamental race was to these views, this thesis analyses documents and speeches of six AIL members, belonging to three different movements within the AIL: the rights activists, the Social Darwinists, and the white supremacists. These documents show that the perception of race plays a role in structuring the argument of race, yet it also structures other political, administrative, and labor-related arguments. These results show that the perception of race was fundamental in the shaping of several arguments against annexation.Show less
Whilst overall poverty rates in the Southeast Asian region have been declining. However, the Philippines still struggles with reducing its poverty rates, more specifically chronic poverty rates....Show moreWhilst overall poverty rates in the Southeast Asian region have been declining. However, the Philippines still struggles with reducing its poverty rates, more specifically chronic poverty rates. This occurs parallel to high economic growth rates, which should, according to liberal economist discourse, eradicate poverty in the long run. As this is not happening, cash transfer programmes have been widely discussed as a solution to poverty in the last twenty years. By utilizing the case study method, this thesis seeks to analyze, the effects of conditional (CCTs) and unconditional cash transfers (UCTs) on the underlying political, economic processes and sociodemographic factors reinforcing chronic poverty in rural areas in the Philippines. This thesis argues that whilst CCTs have a more positive effect on school enrollment rates for young children, UCTs, are more effective for developing countries to implement and have the same effect as CCTs on the poorest beneficiaries, regarding school enrollment and health expenditure, which disputes the argument of poor people misusing the transfers. The poor can know what is essential, and with UCTs could break the chronic poverty cycle. This paper concludes that as the poor can efficiently utilize their cash transfers, UCTs are the best option to break the chronic poverty cycle in the Philippines.Show less
The cholera epidemic of 1902-1904 in Manila shares striking similarities with the outbreak of plague in Bombay in 1896, particularly in the colonial responses of the American and British...Show moreThe cholera epidemic of 1902-1904 in Manila shares striking similarities with the outbreak of plague in Bombay in 1896, particularly in the colonial responses of the American and British governments respectively. The heavily interventionist and militarist sanitary methods used by each power were masked by the façade of scientific neutrality and colonial efficiency, but each regime encountered resistance to their policies from the Filipino and Indian populations. This thesis explores and compares the plague and cholera epidemics, with an emphasis on what made each outbreak unique within its own context, and on their similarities despite the perceived difference between each colonial power. At the core of this thesis is the question of how colonial governance and indigenous responses to it were conceptualised in the context of the disease epidemics. An analysis of official government accounts of each epidemic demonstrates that, despite their claims to the contrary, colonial thinking and discrimination always undermined the scientific values that the British and American regimes so often espoused.Show less
“Marcos is not a Hero!”, were the words that echoed throughout the country in the later months of 2016. The echoes reached far and beyond its domestic boundaries. For a moment, the cries of the...Show more“Marcos is not a Hero!”, were the words that echoed throughout the country in the later months of 2016. The echoes reached far and beyond its domestic boundaries. For a moment, the cries of the people - of the people who suffered, of the people whose loved ones are still missing, of the people who stood and continue to stand against the tyranny the Marcos regime reigned on the Philippines, resounded across the entire globe. Local and International media did not hold back on the coverage of the protesters who organized themselves in the masses in the Philippines, as well as in diaspora communities across Europe, the United States and Asia. The national outcry against the Marcos regime was a direct result of the decision made by the Supreme Court of the Philippines and President Rodrigo R. Duterte to allow former dictator Ferdinand Marcos to be buried at the Libingan ng Mga Bayani (LNMB or Heroes‟ Cemetery) on 18. November 2016.The burial of the former President Ferdinand E. Marcos at the Heroes Cemetery in November ignited a mix of pent up emotions on authoritarian rulership among millions of Filipinos. Speculations on the familial ties or characteristic similarities between Marcos and Duterte were kept at bay prior to the burial. Nevertheless, when President Duterte and the Supreme Court decided that they will pursue the state burial for the former dictator, it became evident that thirty years of democracy were not enough to forget the torrid past. During the burial demonstrations, the similarities between both former President Marcos and incumbent President Duterte began to raise suspicion on the return of the Marcosian ideology, the revitalization of strongman rulership and the “glorification the authoritarian brand of leadership” (Paddock 2016; Philstar.com „Marcos not a hero!‟ 2016). Prior to winning the 2016 Presidential Elections, Rodrigo Duterte‟s use of the populist political style became clear to the public, especially during specific turning points and highlights in his campaign. During his candidacy, Duterte neither hesitated to joke about rape, nor to speak about his plans to bring back the death penalty, to perform extrajudicial killings, or to reinstate Martial Law if needed. Every speech, video and article that came out about the candidate seemed to test the morality of the people more and more. The theatricality of Duterte‟s candidacy became evident in the narrative, in which he has constructed himself, as well as in the language that he used to articulate himself, and even in his late arrival to the elections (Curato 2017; 146-147). As Duterte‟s political style quickly proved its success, certain questions came to mind about the current progression of liberal democracy, like: How are Filipinos able to disregard their (catholic) morals and give their full support to a violent, threatening and misogynist leader? Have the pent-up feelings of the “silent majority” finally reached its culminating point? And, most importantly, how has he been able to successfully harness popular support out of hate, fear and bigotry? These questions on the fanaticism between both pro- and anti-Duterte, or pro- and anti-Marcos for that matter, are what sparked my initial interest in the Duterte phenomenon, regarding his 6 sudden rise in popularity, landslide victory and continued support from the electorate. Hence, this thesis will attempt to answer the research question: “How is Rodrigo inspired by Marcosian Politics?” in order to understand the revitalization of strongman rule and Marcosian Politics. To answer the overarching research question, the thesis will look into the aspects that contribute to the idea that the incumbent president is in any way inspired by the former dictator. This entails a closer look into Rodrigo Duterte‟s rise to power, as well as a look into how both presidents have treated their opposition. The sequence of the sub-questions gives focus to the thesis and clarifies the points that will be considered when analysing the elements of Marcosian Politics that Duterte allegedly draws inspiration from.Show less
Departing from materialist understanding of the South China Sea conflict, this paper foregrounds the role of ideas in producing the rivalry between China and the Philippines. Guided by...Show moreDeparting from materialist understanding of the South China Sea conflict, this paper foregrounds the role of ideas in producing the rivalry between China and the Philippines. Guided by constructivist theory of international relations fused with the rivalry approach to conflict, this undertaking has shown how an intersubjective and institutionalised conception of space generated the rivalry. Three ideas are identified as consequential: new cartographic ideas which promoted linearly demarcated boundaries, sovereignty as the power to exclude non-citizens, and the territorialisation of the sea.Show less
The Philippines is an archipelago with each Island developing slightly different as well as having a long history of foreign cultural influence. From the Chinese to the more religiously- inclined...Show moreThe Philippines is an archipelago with each Island developing slightly different as well as having a long history of foreign cultural influence. From the Chinese to the more religiously- inclined Hinduism and Islamic influence the Philippine culture is a mixture of traditions. The largest influences started from 1565 onward, since its colonisation by the Spanish. After years of conflict, the USA interfered and bought the Philippines in 1898 and slowly granted the Philippines independence. Many of the Indigenous Peoples survived, and much of the natural heritage is protected. Archaeological research is also conducted in the whole archipelago with various states of cooperation between the Peoples. However, the Indigenous way of life is constantly threatened in the Philippines and on the Island of Palawan alone there are many conflicts. The IPRA as well as several international conventions should have ensured that the right of the Indigenous Peoples are protected. There are, however, problems with the laws involved and internal governmental workings. However, there are a lot of organisations that work to correct these injustices locally, nationally and internationally, who want to ensure that the Indigenous Peoples are allowed their rights as well as have a place to continue expressing their culture. Archaeology as a whole is a working as a science to engage more with the communities they reside in and work on decolonising practices.Show less
This paper examines the impact of democratization on the social spending behavior of Indonesia and the Philippines. Comparing social spending as a percentage of central government spending and as a...Show moreThis paper examines the impact of democratization on the social spending behavior of Indonesia and the Philippines. Comparing social spending as a percentage of central government spending and as a share of GDP over a period of approximately ten years before and after democratization, one can’t observe a significant change in the social policy priorities of politicians. Although theory would suggest that democratization would increase the awareness of politicians to focus more on the social well-being of its citizen, investments in human capital remained largely unchanged. This paper argues that the persistence of elites, both at national and local level, prevents a substantial change in social spending to materialize. Drawn from several empirical studies and secondary literature, this paper shows how the rent-seeking attitudes of elites translates into a major burden for lower-class groups to enter the political domain and to change social policy (spending) to their favor.Show less
The Japanese population and its healthcare system is under pressure. The population is declining drastically; the amount of elderly is increasing heavily and with the costs to take care of them...Show moreThe Japanese population and its healthcare system is under pressure. The population is declining drastically; the amount of elderly is increasing heavily and with the costs to take care of them will be heavy. Their increasingly chasing population structure is a major concern for politicians and companies alike. Too often Japanese politicians keep this status quo alive, on one hand they agree that Japan needs to introduce pro-immigration policies but on the other hand, when it comes to implement real and viable policies they ignore it. Japanese politicians are hesitant to call for increased immigration, due to fear from the public. These fears often stem from some underbelly feeling, which also fueled by the Media. The introduction of the Foreign nurses and caretakers was a first step into the right direction. Sadly, the outcome was insignificant and had practically no influence. This program shows the weakness of the Japanese immigration policies. It lacks flexibility, practicality and long-term vision.Show less
Ifugao is a province in the northern Philippines, notable for its magnificent rice terraces and UNESCO World Heritage sites. Ethnographical and ethnohistorical sources support the view that this...Show moreIfugao is a province in the northern Philippines, notable for its magnificent rice terraces and UNESCO World Heritage sites. Ethnographical and ethnohistorical sources support the view that this province's subsistence system is based on intensive rice agriculture. Rice is embedded in the cultural and social core of Ifugao. This is visible in the structured terraces as well as intertwined in the Ifugao's intangible cultural heritage practices. Be that as it may, modern and commercial, cultivars (e.g rice) are frequently becoming modified to assist in an increase of food supply and security. This thesis research answers the question: How does the cultivation of commercial rice varieties affect Ifugao's intangible traditions and agricultural customs associated with the Rice Terraces of the Philippine Cordilleras World Heritage Site? Two approaches were applied to answer this: a review of relevant literature and an ethnography performed on 96 current Ifugao rice farmers. Both methods provided datasets to present the traditional character of Ifugao's traditional rice farming. This study is particularly focused on Ifugao's traditional rice varieties in comparison to modern introduced varieties. The intention was to discuss the effects of these varieties on Ifugao's past and current cultural and intangible heritage practices. The archaeological heritage management of traditional cultural practices, concerning Ifugao rice rituals, e.g. Baki Hongon di Page, assist to validate the critical component of maintaining the 'outstanding universal value' of the Ifugao's terraces and its value as a World Heritage site. How often very inadvertent modifications or introductions, e.g. GMOs, might have unintended consequences and avoidable impacts on the holistic fabric of the intangible culture and community practices associated with rice are demonstrated. This is further complicated with the wavering state of the Rice Terraces of the Philippine Cordillera's heritage maintenance and management, and the lack of initiatives to aid future issues in safeguarding the terraces of Ifugao heritage on this matter. The new rice varieties introduced to Ifugao are in fact deleterious to community structure, not just commercially, but also there is no visible traditional nexus for the introduced rice. This means, there is no need to maintain terraces for new rice since it is commercially viable. The Ifugao communities will therefore find other economic pursuits, but with traditional rice the social glue links the community to the terraces and they will be maintained as part of this complex cultural heritage connection. The research concludes that the cultural and intangible heritage, alongside the farming of traditional rice varieties, are critical to the preservation of both the physical terraces, and its intrinsic significance.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
closed access
When people look back at the 21st century they will undoubtedly characterize China’s rise as one of the major events. As the country ascends to a great power status, its regional and international...Show moreWhen people look back at the 21st century they will undoubtedly characterize China’s rise as one of the major events. As the country ascends to a great power status, its regional and international counterparts observe how Beijing will project its power. The East Asian neighboring states have been tenser because of their ongoing maritime territorial disputes with China. Multiple diplomatic episodes from the mid-2000s until today in the East and South China Seas and demonstrations of Chinese assertiveness in pursuing its national claims have been at the heart of regional tension and instability. In this context, the present thesis poses the following research question: Which factors explain China’s assertive behavior in the East and South China Seas? My main argument is that China’s assertiveness is due primarily to three factors, which are: Beijing’s reactions to other states’ actions, Chinese popular nationalism demand for a stronger external presence and its growing necessity to acquire natural resources and safeguard national transportation corridors. In order to examine the effects of these three factors I have undertaken two case studies, namely the case of Japan and the East China Sea contention and the case of the Philippines and the South China Sea contention.Show less
Research master thesis | History: Societies and Institutions (research) (MA)
closed access
This study focuses on the political history of Maguindanao, a polity along the western coast of Mindanao (present-day southern Philippines) from ca. 1680 till 1760. Primarily using the archives of...Show moreThis study focuses on the political history of Maguindanao, a polity along the western coast of Mindanao (present-day southern Philippines) from ca. 1680 till 1760. Primarily using the archives of the VOC (Dutch East India Company), it examines three interrelated historiographical issues: (1) the nature of political rule in Maguindanao, (2) the upland-lowland geopolitical divide and the (3) question of Maguindanao political decline. This thesis argues that these issues are better understood if seen from the perspective of complex intra-familial politics. By using the family as a lens, this thesis highlights the important role of women in the conduct of politics. It also dilutes the seemingly rigid division between the upland and lowland Maguindanao by viewing political factions not in terms of fixed political centers, but rather as a consequence of changing family alliances and rivalries.Show less
Research master thesis | History: Societies and Institutions (research) (MA)
open access
This study compares the role played by Dutch and American engineers in the colonial governments of the Netherlands Indies and the American-controlled Philippines in the 1900-1920 timeframe. It...Show moreThis study compares the role played by Dutch and American engineers in the colonial governments of the Netherlands Indies and the American-controlled Philippines in the 1900-1920 timeframe. It contends that these colonial engineers extensively influenced the practical implementation of the civilizing missions of that were formulated in the United States and the Netherlands around 1900. Through the use of a sustained comparison between the activities of the engineers in these two Western countries and their tropical colonies the unique aspects of the American policy of “benevolent assimilation” and the Dutch “ethical policy” will be drawn into focus. This study makes use of the technocracy heuristic to analyze the behavior and ambitions of the engineers. Technocracy in this case refers to rule by experts, a goal that many members of the engineering profession that had emerged in both countries in the 1890s strove for. Such a political system could not be implemented in the Dutch and American metropoles, but in the colonies the engineers faced fewer obstacles to their political agenda. The technocratic ambitions of the engineers are reconstructed here by analyzing the rhetoric they used and the discourses they drew upon in their journals. In the first part of this study the emergence of the engineering profession in the Netherlands Indies and the United States is compared. The rhetoric of the engineers on either side of the Atlantic evinces important similarities, as does the receptiveness of politicians and public to their ideas. The new mode of imperialism and the civilizing missions that either country articulated concurrently also bear close resemblance. A series of vignettes in the second part of this study describing the practices and ideology of the colonial engineers working in the Netherlands Indies and the Philippines reveals how the meanings of the technologies they used were socially constructed. They show that the Americans possessed a unique willingness to have the Filipinos participate in their developmental strategy, whereas the Dutch did not cross the ethnographic separation from the Indonesians. This finding to an extent confirms the “exceptionalism” of American empire in this period.Show less
