Linkages between nature and nationalism are re-emerging, gaining momentum on the political agenda of far-right actors. To examine this intersection, this research employs the theoretical framework...Show moreLinkages between nature and nationalism are re-emerging, gaining momentum on the political agenda of far-right actors. To examine this intersection, this research employs the theoretical framework of Forchtner and Kølvraa (2015), focused on the aesthetic, material and symbolic dimensions of nature in nationalism. Considering the aforementioned elements, this analysis offers insights into the field of right-wing rhetoric using Poland as a case study. This paper finds that although these categories can be analytically productive, the reality of far-right communication showcases the interplay of these dimensions. In essence, this research displays how the far-right actors find justification for the nationalist narratives within the concept of nature by referencing the nation’s resource sovereignty, national identity, history or beauty of unspoiled natural landscapes.Show less
Based on the comparison of Hungary and Poland during the 2008 Global Financial Crisis, this study determines that the party ideology of the ruling party does not have a significant impact on...Show moreBased on the comparison of Hungary and Poland during the 2008 Global Financial Crisis, this study determines that the party ideology of the ruling party does not have a significant impact on financial crisis response. Based on results derived from the National Bank and IMF reports of both countries in 2008 and 2009. Despite having ideologically different parties in power the government responses are not particularly divergent. I demonstrate that any particular response to a crisis is impacted by several factors both internal and external. In Hungary the social democratically oriented government was pushed to abandon ideology in favour of dominant economic neoliberalism. While Poland stayed the course but also deviated from ideology slightly. Thereby demonstrating that ideology becomes secondary in times of financial difficulty, particularly when international institutions are involved.Show less
The dynamics of power in international relations are inherently fluid and subject to ongoing change. There is a growing recognition that the influence within the European Union is gradually moving...Show moreThe dynamics of power in international relations are inherently fluid and subject to ongoing change. There is a growing recognition that the influence within the European Union is gradually moving away from powers like France and Germany towards countries in Central and Eastern Europe. The aforementioned transition was precipitated, among other factors, by the Ukrainian-Russian conflict, which has significantly impacted geopolitical terrain. Poland, a nation with significant economic and military prowess and a sizable population, is positioning itself as a key player aiming to rebalance power dynamics in favor of Central and Eastern European member states that have historically been marginalized. This study seeks to answer the question concerning the presence of a power shift within the European Union, and to identify the fundamental causes driving this change.Show less
This research investigates the continuity of European Union (EU) sanctions against Russia in the aftermath of the 2014 Crimea annexation, highlighting the diversity of member state attitudes...Show moreThis research investigates the continuity of European Union (EU) sanctions against Russia in the aftermath of the 2014 Crimea annexation, highlighting the diversity of member state attitudes towards Russia. The research question that will be answered is: How does the interaction between domestic- and EU-level, within both conciliatory and hardline member states, influence the continuity of EU sanctions against Russia? Putnam's two-level game theory is employed, providing a framework to analyze the interaction between domestic political considerations and international negotiations. This study formulates two hypotheses: Hypothesis 1 posits that dissatisfaction with a larger sanction package among hardline states facilitates agreement in the European Council, and Hypothesis 2 suggests that satisfaction with a larger sanction package among conciliatory states similarly facilitates agreement. A qualitative comparative analysis between Hungary and Poland tests these hypotheses. It utilizes national policy papers, position tracing through secondary literature, and public opinion polls to examine the rationale behind each country's approach, the satisfaction among political leaders, public opinion, and business elites on the EU sanction package against Russia. The analysis finds evidence in support of both hypotheses, demonstrating the ways in which the domestic public can influence negotiations within the European Council, particularly concerning sanctions against Russia.Show less
This thesis explores the dynamics of Sino-Polish relations within the context of the Cooperation between China and Central and Eastern European Countries (CEEC), commonly known as '16+1' or later...Show moreThis thesis explores the dynamics of Sino-Polish relations within the context of the Cooperation between China and Central and Eastern European Countries (CEEC), commonly known as '16+1' or later as '17+1.' Initiated in 2012, this regional cooperation platform aims to enhance cross-regional collaboration, emphasizing principles of 'win-win cooperation' and 'mutual benefit.' Focusing on Poland's participation in the 16+1 framework from its inception until 2022, the study investigates the motivations behind the Polish government's involvement and examines the observed developments in their engagement. While existing literature delves into Polish perceptions of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and bilateral relations with China, there is a notable gap regarding recent research on the motivations of the Polish government within the 16+1 framework. This thesis addresses this gap by analyzing official 16+1 publications, providing insights into the evolving motivations and developments shaping Poland's participation. The research question guiding this exploration is: What motivations and developments have influenced Poland's participation in the 16+1 framework, and how do these factors manifest in the Polish government's engagement within the 16+1 cooperation? Through a comprehensive case study, this thesis contributes to a nuanced understanding of the multifaceted dynamics between Poland and China within the broader context of the Belt and Road Initiative.Show less
In an increasingly globalized world, international organizations remain important to coordinate the need for global cooperation and collective action. In order to give adequate responses to a...Show moreIn an increasingly globalized world, international organizations remain important to coordinate the need for global cooperation and collective action. In order to give adequate responses to a plethora of wicked problems, international organizations need to be given more sovereignty and decision-making powers. This clashes directly with the need of national governments to retain their sovereignty. These clashes can lead to a decrease in legitimacy for the IO and give rise to nationalism, and in the most extreme cases to democratic backsliding. Democracy promoting IOs unintentionally help democratic backsliding in member states when they do not design proper democracy promoting tools and mechanisms. I mix process tracing and discourse analysis to look at the influence of democracy promoting mechanisms of IOs on member states who experience democratic backsliding. I demonstrate my case by looking at the application and results of the conditionality mechanism of the EU on Poland and Hungary. The conditionality mechanism focuses mainly on 1) constitution, 2) rule of law, 3) civil and minority rights, 4) the independence of the judiciary and the media, and 5) the separation of power within government. Of these, I focus on the effects of the conditionality mechanism on 4) the independence of the judiciary and the media. I find that the conditionality mechanism mainly influenced changes in the independence of the judiciary. This influence was also seen back in the resilience and recovery proposals from Hungary and Poland, where both countries pledged to pass legislation to increase the independence of the judiciary. Based on this I argue that the amount of democracy promoting mechanisms does not matter, as long as the impact of the mechanism is strong enough for democracy promotionShow less
With the arrival of over 800.000 migrants to Europe in 2015 during the ‘migration crisis’, the debate on migration rights shifted its discourse from compassion and solidarity to more negative...Show moreWith the arrival of over 800.000 migrants to Europe in 2015 during the ‘migration crisis’, the debate on migration rights shifted its discourse from compassion and solidarity to more negative stances, such as systematic racist behaviors, including demoralization, dehumanization and hate speech against migrants. This thesis aims to delve into the deteriorated image of migrants in the media and determine the consequences of national decision-making at the European level. To do this, this thesis refines existing theories on the relationship between media, the public and policymakers, as these present important academic inconsistencies. By employing a combined approach including the relevance of the political orientation of media outlets and the constraints of collective action problems, this thesis aims to show that media outlets hold similar frames on asylum-seekers and EU asylum cooperation as their political affiliates. With the use of Poland as a case study, this thesis conducts a discourse analysis on Gazeta Wyborcza & Rzeczpospolita Polish press media outlets and parliamentary speeches to uncover frame patterns and the influence media has on a government. This is done by tracing the frames in a chronological manner. Ultimately, this thesis finds that there is a political affiliation between press outlets and politicians, and that the discourse on asylum-seekers significantly impacted asylum-application rejection rates, thus undermining the EU asylum cooperation.Show less
This thesis analyzes legislative and discursive approaches of the Civic platform-led (2007 – 2015) and the PiS-led (2015 – 2020) governments while also linking those approaches to the European...Show moreThis thesis analyzes legislative and discursive approaches of the Civic platform-led (2007 – 2015) and the PiS-led (2015 – 2020) governments while also linking those approaches to the European level. It shows that LGBT rights have become politicized at both the European and the national level in Poland. The EU both discursively and legislatively supports LGBT rights while alleging its (pro-LGBT) values that are both universal and European apparently leading it to be an example around the world. Therefore, the pro-EU governments in Poland were clearly more pro-EU. The Civic Platform-led government, as a generally pro-EU government, was hesitant to politicize LGBT rights because of its sensitiveness. However, through the years its discourse and policy towards LGBT rights became more explicit in supporting LGBT rights. On the other hand, the PiS-led government was highly critical of LGBT rights while using its opposition to LGBT rights as a tool to campaign. Its stance on LGBT rights exemplifies its ambiguous position vis-à-vis Europe; while asserting a European identity and favoring EU membership, the government rejects some the EU’s core values. Overall, this thesis argues that the politicization of LGBT rights can be both beneficial and harmful for LGBT people. The danger of politicization though, is that LGBT rights could be used to further political ends rather than being primarily concerned with the well-being of those people.Show less
The purpose of this study is to gain insights on how the causes of the EU-Belarus border crisis are framed by Belarusian state-controlled media by answering the research question: in what ways do...Show moreThe purpose of this study is to gain insights on how the causes of the EU-Belarus border crisis are framed by Belarusian state-controlled media by answering the research question: in what ways do Belarusian state-controlled media use framing tactics in their reporting to explain the EU-Belarus border crisis? This research employs qualitative thematic analysis on 32 selected articles from two major Belarusian news outlets to explain how the frames are constructed and what framing techniques are used. This research found that four major meta-narratives can be distinguished, that are supported by several frames: the EU has caused the crisis itself; the EU, Poland and the Baltic states have something to gain, the West has caused the crisis due to involvement in the Middle East; and the US and NATO want war in the region as to weaken Russia. Four additional frames support these meta-narratives: violence; human rights; nazi’s in the military; and Belarus as a victim. This research found that the Belarusian statecontrolled media construct narratives that support meta-narratives through which the conflict can be seen and understood. Reasoning devices in combination with the framing tactics of one-sided reporting, omittance of information and disinformation are used in constructing these frames and narratives.Show less
This study looks at the issue of non-compliance of Poland with EU regulations, and how the European Commission (EC) enforces compliance of the Member States. More specifically, it analyzes the...Show moreThis study looks at the issue of non-compliance of Poland with EU regulations, and how the European Commission (EC) enforces compliance of the Member States. More specifically, it analyzes the variation in the actions of the EC based on the case of rule of law non-compliance by Poland and unravels why this variation exists. While researchers have studied the reasons for non-compliance within the EU and the different approaches the EU can take to deal with non-compliance, not enough focus has been placed on the reasons for the variations in choices following a violation by a Member State. Therefore the research question is ‘What explains the variation in the EU’s approach to the non-compliance of the Polish state with the rule of law?’ The research uses process tracing to look at intentionality, domestic mobilization and costs. The thesis finds that intentionality and costs can explain the varied approaches of the EU. The domestic mobilization hypothesis is rejected due to lack of evidence showing it affects the outcome.Show less
Scholars have thoroughly researched the political backlash against the LGBTI community in Poland and Hungary after EU accession. As time has passed, a new wave has arisen. With very little research...Show moreScholars have thoroughly researched the political backlash against the LGBTI community in Poland and Hungary after EU accession. As time has passed, a new wave has arisen. With very little research conducted concerning this new wave or its relation to the earlier wave, it is time to update the body of literature surrounding politicized LGBTI phobia. Therefore, this thesis researches how politicized LGBTI phobia has developed in Poland and Hungary since their accession into the EU in 2004. This question has been answered through an examination of academic articles and NGO reports from the earlier wave, and a thematic analysis of interviews with local and transnational actors combined with information of NGO reports about the current wave. Thematic analysis has been used to analyze these interviews and this thesis utilizes antagonism theory as the wider framework. This thesis observes both parallels and differences among the waves within Poland and Hungary individually and the totality of waves between the two countries. There are continuations of factors, but also new factors to be found in the new waves. This thesis concludes that politicized LGBTI phobia has come in waves, with a shift towards anti-migration narratives in between the two waves. Furthermore, the developments consist of unique domestic factors, regional parallels that can be understood as echos, and also global developments such as the overall anti-gender and anti-LGBTI movements. New factors include new intensified forms of previous characteristics which are for example LGBT free zones, rule by decree, NGO restructuring and family mainstreaming. However, it is apparent that the latest wave has not yet ended and is showing no evidence of dissipating.Show less
Master thesis | European Politics and Society: Vaclav Havel Joint Master Programme
open access
This master thesis answers the research question “what is the French perception of Poland's strategic potential?”, and it is analysed within the period 2015-2021. This master thesis consists of six...Show moreThis master thesis answers the research question “what is the French perception of Poland's strategic potential?”, and it is analysed within the period 2015-2021. This master thesis consists of six chapters. The first one is introduction, when the next one is literature review. The third chapter is research methodology. Two next chapters are analytical and based on conducted qualitative content analysis. The first of them (chapter four) is about contemporary Polish-French international relations, and the next one (chapter five) about French perception of the strategic potential of Poland. The last chapter includes conclusions. This thesis is part of a broad academic debate about how Western Europe perceives Eastern, based on the example of Polish-French relations. One of the supporting research questions concerns whether this division is still valid in contemporary European relations. The qualitative content analysis carried out indicates that it is not a decisive factor, similar to ideological differences between the governments of Poland and France. In addition, this master thesis emphasizes the importance of perception in international relations, but also indicates its variability, depending on both external and internal conditions.Show less
The status of WWII Poland as a German colony remains debated. While some scholars argue in favour of a so-called “colonial-imperial paradigm” others explicitly reject any connection between German...Show moreThe status of WWII Poland as a German colony remains debated. While some scholars argue in favour of a so-called “colonial-imperial paradigm” others explicitly reject any connection between German colonialism and Nazi-occupied Poland. Situating itself within this ongoing debate this thesis aims to provide a new perspective on German colonialism in Poland. By providing a comparative analysis of labour policies implemented in German South-West Africa (GSWA) and Nazi-occupied Poland this thesis hope to shed light on the controversial status of Poland as a German colony. Labour policies in particular pose an interesting lens through which to study the colonial-imperial paradigm as they touch upon a variety of dimensions that have been discussed at length within the wider literature. In particular, labour policy offers new insights into the role of ideology and violence in shaping economic relations in Germany’s colonies and Nazi-occupied Poland. As this thesis will show, the two cases show congruence in the fundamental motivations and structures of labour policy, however, at closer inspection, considerable differences can be observed. In particular, it will highlight the significant role of ideology in shaping Nazi labour practices and the unprecedented scale of violence experienced by Polish labourers. This research can be used as a starting point for further discussions about potential causal relations between German colonialism and the Nazi occupation of Poland as well as serving as a stepping stone to analysing the long-term economic consequences of the Nazi occupation of Poland.Show less
European integration is under pressure. There is increasing disagreement between Member States (MS) on topics such as immigration, the European currency, sovereignty and for the first time since...Show moreEuropean integration is under pressure. There is increasing disagreement between Member States (MS) on topics such as immigration, the European currency, sovereignty and for the first time since its foundation, a member state has left the European Union (EU). In these debates, it often comes down to the discussion on competences and sovereignty. Is the ultimate power for the sovereign state or for the supranational institutions? This thesis examines the overlapping competences between healthcare (national) and the protection of human rights (supranational). Based on the case study of abortion rights in Poland, it discusses which factors play a role in this debate and what the EU's response and competences are. According to the EU, access to abortion is part of basic sexual and reproductive rights of women and strict abortion laws violate this. However, the EU also recognises that healthcare arrangements, and thus abortion, lie with the sovereignty of MS, as agreed upon in the treaty. Thus, the EU has no legal ground to tackle the stricter abortion legislation. It does, however, hold the power of responsibility by persuading MS to adhere to women's sexual and reproductive rights. This thesis studied the critical junctures in time from the Polish accession in 2004, the Lisbon treaty in 2009, and the rise of the PiS party in 2015, and analysed the changing positions of Poland and the response of the EU. The results showed that given its sovereignty on healthcare, the EU has no legal basis to tackle Poland's stricter abortion laws. To influence this area beyond its competences, the EU increasingly condemns Poland for violating the Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights (SRHS) agreements and sponsors projects that increase SRHR awareness and provide geographical access to SHRH services.Show less
In this research the effects of religion on the perceived impact of immigrants on society is analysed for Poland and Czechia. The data used in this research is from the European Social Survey from...Show moreIn this research the effects of religion on the perceived impact of immigrants on society is analysed for Poland and Czechia. The data used in this research is from the European Social Survey from 2014 and 2016. The data shows that Poland is the most religious country in Europe and Czechia the least religious. The timeframe for this research was based to understand the effect of the refugee crisis on the perception towards immigrants, by analysing the same variables before and after the crisis. The data is analysed first by using an independent samples t-test to compare the means of religious and non-religious respondents. The results from this test indicated that a statistically significant difference between religious and non-religious respondents was found in Poland, but not in Czechia. Furthermore, a logistic regression is performed. The results indicated that religion does not have a predictive factor in both countries. The implications of these results are discussed throughout the analysis section.Show less
