Since the turn of the 20th century, the United States has consistently seen lower voter turnout compared to other developed democracies. Initially, during the 1920s, this was viewed as a serious...Show moreSince the turn of the 20th century, the United States has consistently seen lower voter turnout compared to other developed democracies. Initially, during the 1920s, this was viewed as a serious social problem and produced widespread panic. By the 1990s, however, comparable rates of non-voting generated a more muted and even accepting response. This thesis thus argues that non-voting underwent a process of socio-cultural normalization during the 20th century. This process is historicized by tracing four distinct shifts in attitudes toward non-voting which ended up normalizing this American peculiarity.Show less
In 2011 Libya is torn apart by civil unrest in the form of an uprising against the Gadhafi regime. The European powers are divided over the course they have to take. A unified European response is...Show moreIn 2011 Libya is torn apart by civil unrest in the form of an uprising against the Gadhafi regime. The European powers are divided over the course they have to take. A unified European response is also hindered by the different mandates the European governments have regarding the use of force. This thesis seeks to find the reasons why the European states diverged over a case in which they had a common interest in the ‘Responsibility to Protect’. For this explanation, this thesis will focus on the political- and strategic cultures of France, United Kingdom and Germany and the way they influence the parliamentary debates.Show less
Sport is never just a game. In an imperial context, it connotes a host of ideals and values directly linked to foreign political authority. In treaty port Shanghai, competition between the city’s...Show moreSport is never just a game. In an imperial context, it connotes a host of ideals and values directly linked to foreign political authority. In treaty port Shanghai, competition between the city’s many national communities was similarly conceived of as a tool to strengthen foreign power. The practice of protest at international sports events by Shanghai’s Chinese population subverted these attempts and enabled protestors to undermine foreign legitimacy. This thesis applies the lens of political culture to examine how meaning was attached to protest at international sporting events and analyse how this was received by Shanghai’s foreign community. Sport has frequently been overlooked in the wider historiography of protest. However, an investigation of the practice of sports protest is highly relevant for providing valuable insights into the nature of social relations. While historians have generally assumed that Shanghai’s foreign society was insular, studying protest shows not only that there was significant contact, but that this was exploited for political aims. Sport provided a unique avenue for protest by encapsulating foreign rituals of rule, which could be spontaneously usurped to mount a symbolic challenge. Comparison with formal colonial contexts illustrates that sport as a channel for protest was shaped by Shanghai’s semi-colonial arrangement, illuminating the broader complexities and vulnerabilities of semi-colonial control.Show less
Een uitgebreide historische analyse van het 'momentum' rond DS'70. DS'70 behaalde kortstondig succes in de Nederlandse politiek met acht zetels bij de landelijke verkiezingen van 1971. Deze thesis...Show moreEen uitgebreide historische analyse van het 'momentum' rond DS'70. DS'70 behaalde kortstondig succes in de Nederlandse politiek met acht zetels bij de landelijke verkiezingen van 1971. Deze thesis behandelt de oorzaken en voorwaarden voor dit resultaat en richt zich met name op de belangrijke positie van DS'70 lijsttrekker Willem Drees jr., wiens 'geproduceerde' charisma met behulp van de media in de verkiezingscampagne erg goed uit de verf kwam.Show less
This thesis seeks to answer the question 'when, how, and why the Danish asylum system become more restrictive than the Swedish one between 1989 and 2001'. In the analysis of these reasons, a...Show moreThis thesis seeks to answer the question 'when, how, and why the Danish asylum system become more restrictive than the Swedish one between 1989 and 2001'. In the analysis of these reasons, a particular emphasis is placed on the different political perceptions of both countries’ welfare philosophies on the one hand, and their political culture on the other. The influence of anti-immigration parties on mainstream political culture is an important part of this analysis. Through a distinction between border and integration policy, it becomes clear that the Danish asylum policy becomes more restrictive in the second half of the 1990s, because of its focus on cultural integration as a duty to the welfare state. The thesis concludes with a discussion regarding the impact of (neoliberal) economic changes on solidarity within political culture.Show less
The thesis offers an analysis of the link between primary education and democratization, particularly in the Sub-Saharan African context. It tests the hypothesis prevalent in development,...Show moreThe thesis offers an analysis of the link between primary education and democratization, particularly in the Sub-Saharan African context. It tests the hypothesis prevalent in development, democratization and education policy that citizens that are better educated are more actively involved in the political life of their country. The analysis is built on three key concepts- education, democracy and political culture. Using the republican theory of citizenship as an analytical model, this thesis studies the results of the Afrobarometer surveys conducted in Malawi and in Ghana from 1999 until 2011. By tracing the transformation of citizens' political attitudes and practices after the introduction of Universal Primary Education (UPE) this paper suggests that there is a positive correlation between one's level of primary education and their political engagement.Show less
The National Board for Historical Service played an important role during wartime America. Both in society and politics the NBHS historians helped the US government to gain support for the war effort.