Scholars ever more agree that economic diversification is becoming a vital strategy to ensure future stability in fossil fuel-export dependent states. This is the reason why, in recent years,...Show moreScholars ever more agree that economic diversification is becoming a vital strategy to ensure future stability in fossil fuel-export dependent states. This is the reason why, in recent years, grandiose development plans and modest efforts to achieve economic diversification have been initiated by some MENA states, particularly by those in the GCC. In Algeria, neither plans nor serious efforts are undertaken by the country’s ruling elites towards achieving this goal. Traditional rentier state literature cannot explain these visible differences in approaches between rentier states. Therefore, by studying contemporary Algerian history, this paper argues that the unwillingness of Algerian elites to diversify the Algerian economy is a result of an interplay between the nature of domestic institutions, international interference and oil. This case-specific approach enables a more accurate explanation for Algeria’s persistent political economic development. Moreover, by connecting rentier state theory with insights from postcolonial studies, and statist and critical political economy, this paper also appeals to the growing demand for an internationalised conception of the rentier state.Show less
The world is changing rapidly, and power balances are altering as new big powers gain clout in various global issues. Through the provision of credit and projects like the Belt and Road Initiative,...Show moreThe world is changing rapidly, and power balances are altering as new big powers gain clout in various global issues. Through the provision of credit and projects like the Belt and Road Initiative, China is increasing its influence in the economies of developing states. While strengthening its position and increasing leverage within the global economy, it is bringing different values to the international arena. This increased Chinese influence can be considered a challenge to the international community, whose states long have dominated the global economy and the global provision of credit. Therefore, the perception of the international community, in relation to its own global economic status, of China’s increased economic influence in developing states was analysed in this paper. Their perceptions have been analysed through qualitative content analysis, using Schweller’s theory of balanced interests (1994). Analysis revealed differences within the international community – whereas the United States appears to be willing to balance Chinese development efforts and protect its own dominant position, this does not go for all European states. The United States and Europe seem to have different interests for their future and distinct contextual and economic factors influencing their perceptions.Show less
Research master thesis | Middle Eastern Studies (research) (MA)
open access
This project investigates how memory contributes to the reproduction and contestation of processes of economic dispossession in Tunisia, examining more specifically the relation between memory and...Show moreThis project investigates how memory contributes to the reproduction and contestation of processes of economic dispossession in Tunisia, examining more specifically the relation between memory and political economy in two directions. First, it investigates the dispossession of memory, that is: how the top-down manufacturing and mobilisation of collective memory has consolidated feelings of marginalisation and exclusion among subordinated individuals and social groups, aiming to perpetuate existing social and economic hierarchies. Second, this study also seeks to explore the memory of dispossession, particularly with reference to how the memory of dispossession is experienced from below and eventually contested. Building on Gramscian notions of hegemony, the project argues that struggles over memory are a crucial aspect in processes of dispossession, their reproduction from above, as well as challenges to them from below in Tunisia.Show less
The aim of this thesis is to establish a better understanding of the inner workings of frozen conflicts, by addressing the question of how the conflicts in Moldova and Georgia in the early 90’s...Show moreThe aim of this thesis is to establish a better understanding of the inner workings of frozen conflicts, by addressing the question of how the conflicts in Moldova and Georgia in the early 90’s became frozen. The current comprehension of frozen conflicts, both in academia and policy-making circles is rather elusive, as the conflicts are often seen through a mono-theoretical lens, overlooking the potential interaction between different factors on different levels. The three main theoretical perspectives on frozen conflicts; the geopolitical, ethno-nationalist and political-economic perspective, are assessed, after which an explanatory variable is derived from each one. Subsequently, the cases of Moldova and Georgia are analyzed alongside these variables, to determine to what extent each mechanism plays a role in the development of frozen conflicts. A qualitative comparative analysis is carried out to assess the interrelation between variables, across the three different phases of a frozen conflict. The results of this research show that the frozen conflicts in Moldova and Georgia are neither solely ethnic nor geopolitical in nature. Ethnic tensions interplayed with geopolitical motives, which are substantiated by criminal economic incentives. Therefore, the multi-layered nature of frozen conflicts cannot fully be understood through a monotheoretical lens.Show less
Throughout the 2000s, the World Bank seems to have undergone a paradigm shift from a neoliberal, market-oriented agenda to a more state-centric approach with increased attention to national...Show moreThroughout the 2000s, the World Bank seems to have undergone a paradigm shift from a neoliberal, market-oriented agenda to a more state-centric approach with increased attention to national particularities in policy design. However, in contrast to the recent enthusiasm by a variety of authors does this thesis argue that the increased attention to the role of institutions and politics in socio-economic development has merely been discursive. The here presented historical analysis of Malawi’s political economy since 1979 shows that there have been little actual changes to the Bank’s policies over the years, to the detriment of equitable socio-economic development in Sub-Saharan Africa. A continued focus on neoclassical economic theory and a lack of attention to national political economy are largely to blame. This thesis holds that to improve socio-economic development, development in practice needs to be transformed by moving beyond overtly theoretical and technocratic approaches and recognizing the inherent political nature of economies, instead of viewing the socio-political order underlying market relationships as an isolated given.Show less
At the time of writing (June 2019), the European Union officially hosts another “sick man”. The European Commission has in fact recently encouraged Italy to reconsider its economic policy in the...Show moreAt the time of writing (June 2019), the European Union officially hosts another “sick man”. The European Commission has in fact recently encouraged Italy to reconsider its economic policy in the light of a forecasted unsustainable (according to the European Commission) rise in the country’s budgetary deficit. Italy has so far been relatively used to politically challenging the European Commission when it comes to its choices in the field of macroeconomic policy. Nevertheless, the ease and the degree with which Neoliberalism (here meant as a Washington Consensus-based disciplinary ideology aiming at limiting the degree of politicization of the economic realm and the choices of states when it comes to their macroeconomic policies ) remains dominant at the EU level poses a question: Is the European Union inherently neoliberal or demand-led growth models are still possible? The reasons why finding an answer to this question is in our interest is grounded in the proliferation of radical political responses in several European countries (including Italy, Greece and - to a lesser degree - France) partly coming as a consequence of their stagnating (whilst not declining) economies. On one hand the European Union’s economy in the last few years has been keeping up to its self-set standards, on the other hand some countries appear to be far from catching up with the top-performers despite having structurally adjusted their economies to the taste of the neoliberal narrative. More importantly, the implementation of neoliberal policies has mostly been done at the expense of the existing welfare states, organized labor and national economic independence. Although the aforementioned growth of populist parties has yet to translate into those states actually taking real steps towards exiting the EU, the macroeconomic powerlessness of these countries seems doomed to persist, and so does the growth of radical parties and/or ideas. In this thesis I am going to argue that the EU is not an inherently neoliberal project of economic integration but it will be argued that the European political economy under the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) entails a clear neoliberal bias which prevents the EU and its member states from pursuing alternative paths. Furthermore, it will be argued that as it is currently structured, the EMU constitutes an hinderance to growth and employment in the continent as it systematically prevents the formation of adequate levels of aggregate demand.Show less
The economic sanctions introduced by the United States and European Union against Russia since 2014 have specifically targeted Russia’s financial system, while having significant negative...Show moreThe economic sanctions introduced by the United States and European Union against Russia since 2014 have specifically targeted Russia’s financial system, while having significant negative consequences for Russia’s macroeconomic position. Yet, today the Russian financial system continues to function in a stable manner while inflation is low for modern Russian standards. The Central Bank of Russia (CBR) is the main actor responsible for guaranteeing the stability of the Russian financial system and has used a range of monetary and institutional policies to do so. Therefore, this research aims to explain the monetary and institutional policies pursued by the CBR in response to economic sanctions in the context of Russia’s political economy. The research uses process tracing in order to analyse the policy decisions by the CBR used since 2014 and explain them in the context of developments in Russia’s political economy in recent decades. The research finds that the CBR’s monetary policy is different compared to earlier crises, but not novel as many policy decisions can be traced back to developments in the CBR’s policies over the last decade. Meanwhile, the CBR’s institutional policies can be linked to developments in Russia’s political economy, as they are increasingly aimed at sterilising the Russian economy from external shocks. Therefore, even though the CBR’s crisis response can be seen as successful from the perspective of Russian policymakers, the content of the policies is not surprising considering broader developments in Russia’s political economy.Show less
The aim of this study is to find out how the occupation in the West Bank is maintained by Israel, the Palestinian Authority, its capitalist class and the aid agencies with its donors. Hereby, the...Show moreThe aim of this study is to find out how the occupation in the West Bank is maintained by Israel, the Palestinian Authority, its capitalist class and the aid agencies with its donors. Hereby, the focus set upon the question what the neoliberal economic policies in the West Bank are and how they play a role in the occupation of it. To answer this question, the thesis will explore the policies of both Israel and the Palestinian Authority next to the policies that are promoted in the West Bank by aid agencies and international donors. Israel’s neoliberal economic policies will be explained through its economic interests in the West Bank, such as land, labour, water and market. Furthermore, the study will look into the neoliberal economic policies of the Palestinian Authority and how the Palestinian capitalist class has been created through these policies. Lastly, the study will highlight the role of international donors and aid agencies in the West Bank and the means in which they apply their influence to promote neoliberal economic policies that sustain the occupation of the West Bank. The study will show that the neoliberal economic policies in the West Bank contribute to its occupation and its dependency on the Israeli economy and international aid. However, not only Israel profits from the occupation, but also the Palestinian Authority and the Palestinian elite through their cooperation with Israel.Show less
This thesis explores the possibilities for a global intellectual history of nineteenth-century political economy. Using Italian trade legislation of 1878 as a case study, I describe the way in...Show moreThis thesis explores the possibilities for a global intellectual history of nineteenth-century political economy. Using Italian trade legislation of 1878 as a case study, I describe the way in which political economy was used as a necessary science for the Italian state-building process, what were the original meanings attached to political economic ideas and in which way the reforms performed the Italian domestic market in order to connect it to the nineteeth-century global market.Show less
The aim of this thesis is to problematize Amitav Acharya’s Global International Relations framework, demonstrate problems with IR’s reliance on the English language, as well as IR’s political...Show moreThe aim of this thesis is to problematize Amitav Acharya’s Global International Relations framework, demonstrate problems with IR’s reliance on the English language, as well as IR’s political economy, and show how these three factors may impede the development and incorporation of Global IR in modern IR overall. The first argument that this thesis presents is a problematization of the emphasis on English within IR, and it will do so over the first two chapters. The first chapter of the thesis tackles with the use of English in the contemporary international climate, where, as Bunce et al. and Kubota & Okuda demonstrate how English shapes and intervenes in international politics and developments. The second chapter, which will look at the state of the English language in IR theory, demonstrates that English is tied closely together with the legitimacy of IR as an academic discipline as well as in the imagining of globalisation, and how it has shaped the creation of the Us vs. Them dichotomy that encounters so much criticism within IR. The second argument, which will be approached in Chapter 3, will turn to the political economy of IR, and how this has helped in the creation of the homogenous academic field we work in today. By looking at the development of the university as an institution for research through Kamola’s argument, the presence of the publish or perish culture, and the problems that this, combined with the English-dominated Western IR, present for the globalising of IR - one of the mission statements of Global IR. This thesis will conclude by suggesting a potential alternative approach that Global IR can look into to tackle the issues that are presented throughout the thesis.Show less
Cryptocurrencies, although in their infancy, are becoming increasingly important for the global economy. Bitcoin was the first invented cryptocurrency, created by a group or person under the...Show moreCryptocurrencies, although in their infancy, are becoming increasingly important for the global economy. Bitcoin was the first invented cryptocurrency, created by a group or person under the pseudonym of Satoshi Nakamoto in 2007, allowing for the exchange of economic value by use of its verifiable and cryptographically secure blockchain. While many countries still don’t even know how to define cryptocurrencies, China has been regulating them for years. The Chinese tech industry also often exemplifies that it is at the forefront of global blockchain technology development with its numerous fast-growing companies and tokens such as DeepBrain Chain, Ontology Network, NEO, Tron, and QTUM, thus suggesting that the tech must be succeeding in certain areas, perhaps either as a result of government regulation, or in spite of it. This paper has contextualised the state of the Chinese blockchain industry in regards to a new type of blockchain political economy and in terms of the Chinese regulatory climate.Show less
This research paper poses the question of why Beijing is currently investing in the Regional Economic Comprehensive Partnership. Ever since China announced its participation in the agreement in...Show moreThis research paper poses the question of why Beijing is currently investing in the Regional Economic Comprehensive Partnership. Ever since China announced its participation in the agreement in 2012, scholarly debate attempted to make sense of this course of action. With many initially arguing that Beijing was planning a strategic move to counter the US rebalance to Asia through Washington’s TPP participation, lesser attention has been paid to other plausible reasons. Now, after the US withdrawal from the TPP in 2017, it appears useful to stretch out the debate and analyse other indicators that might encourage China to continue its participation efforts in the RCEP. Therefore this thesis identifies four indicators as key motivational drivers for the Chinese cooperation effort and conducts qualitative as quantitative analysis of those.Show less
This master thesis uncovers the influence of business lobbying on the Dutch Bilateral Investment Treaty (BIT) program from the 1960s until 2016. Drawing on a wide collection of sources, historical...Show moreThis master thesis uncovers the influence of business lobbying on the Dutch Bilateral Investment Treaty (BIT) program from the 1960s until 2016. Drawing on a wide collection of sources, historical archives, extensive literature and press research, public records and interviews, this thesis examines more than 100 BITs to reveal the corporate and governmental drivers of the Dutch BIT program. It finds that the role of business preferences and lobbying in the context of Dutch BITs is generally overstated, although Dutch corporations like Shell, Philips and Unilever were actively involved in the early days.Show less
