Following a military crackdown in Myanmar’s state of Rakhine in 2017, increased reports of violence and displacement of Rohingya surfaced. At the centre of these circumstances is the Rohingya ...Show moreFollowing a military crackdown in Myanmar’s state of Rakhine in 2017, increased reports of violence and displacement of Rohingya surfaced. At the centre of these circumstances is the Rohingya ‘statelessness’, resulting from the Rohingya’s denied membership to the political community of Myanmar. Legal Studies understands statelessness as a ‘legal anomaly’ relating to non-existence of a legal bond between a state and an individual. Although this understanding dominates discourse on statelessness, including that of the Rohingya, a shift away from this conceptualisation is evident in academic circles outside Legal Studies. Scholars in Humanities, Social Sciences and Political Philosophy warn it dehumanizes how statelessness is also an experienced state of being. Stressing need for alternative approaches, suggestions have been made about focusing on artistic accounts of statelessness. These have been embraced by organisations like Oxfam, who initiated a ‘Rohingya Realities; Rohingya Futures’ art competition campaign. During this campaign, Rohingya artists submitted artworks wherein they reflect on their realities, hopes and dreams. This thesis analyses how four poetic accounts of stateless Rohingya poets, in Oxfam’s art competition campaign, may humanize dominant discourse on the Rohingya’s statelessness. It is argued the poetic accounts humanize dominant discourse by, firstly, providing a means of seeing statelessness in terms of a human condition that is lived, felt, and experienced; secondly, drawing attention to the poets’ demonstration of agency through their experiential accounts of statelessness; and finally, the poems’ ability to create empathy and invite readers to think critically about the conceptual understanding of statelessness as well as the stateless reality the Rohingya face. Given this thesis intends to enquire into theoretical understandings of statelessness politically-philosophically and culturally, whilst analysing the so-far understudied contribution artistic accounts have to statelessness discourse, this thesis adds to interdisciplinary statelessness research.Show less
In this thesis I start with the assumption that politics equals normative ethics and argue to what extent politicians that do not use moral concepts (and thus endorse the abolitionist answer to the...Show moreIn this thesis I start with the assumption that politics equals normative ethics and argue to what extent politicians that do not use moral concepts (and thus endorse the abolitionist answer to the “Now what?” question within the Moral Error Theory) are able to communicate with people that do use moral concepts. As such, it focuses on whether abolitionists can engage in normative ethics without using moral concepts. Schwarz’s theory is posed which provides a framework for doing so and I argue that this theory comes with flaws as seen in problematic scenarios. I also argue that some of these problematic scenarios are solvable by adding to her theory and that her theory comes with two problematic scenarios that are theoretically unsolvable. The proposed solutions are meant to show how these can enhance the relevance of the theory. It is also argued that a possible solution to the theoretically unsolvable problematic scenarios is that abolitionist politicians, when adhering to Schwarz’s theory, can temporarily divert from her theory by conceding to using moral concepts just to be able to communicate with people that do use moral concepts. This thesis uses the case of the COVID-19 pandemic to demonstrate how these problematic scenarios can occur in practice. This thesis concludes that, while Schwarz’s theory provides a framework that allows abolitionist politicians that do not use moral concepts to effectively communicate with people that do use moral concepts, Schwarz’s theory comes with problematic scenarios for which I show how her theory can be improved. Furthermore, it is also concluded that her theory sometimes fails to provide these abolitionist politicians the full ability to effectively communicate within the practice of normative ethics without using moral concepts. Additionally, I propose further research is needed to improve the shortcomings of Schwarz’s theory that arise whenever her criteria C1 comes into play, which is often inevitable.Show less
The 2014 Spitzenkandidaten procedure for nominating a candidate for the European Commission Presidency sought to render the (s)election process more democratically legitimate. However, despite its...Show moreThe 2014 Spitzenkandidaten procedure for nominating a candidate for the European Commission Presidency sought to render the (s)election process more democratically legitimate. However, despite its successful emergence, 2019 saw the repudiation of the Spitzenkandidaten. Adopting a multi-method approach that speaks to current literature on the EU’s perceived democratic deficit, this thesis highlights that from pluralist, libertarian, social democratic, and deliberative democracy perspectives the 2014 Spitzenkandidaten improved the democratic legitimacy of the Commission Presidency, reducing the EU’s democratic deficit. This thesis further finds that the repudiation of the Spitzenkandidaten in 2019 constituted a retraction of this democratic legitimacy from three of the four philosophical perspectives, expanding the democratic deficit accordingly. Utilising the insights of MEPs further enhances these findings, grounding them in theoretical and practical terms. As one of the initial studies that have analysed the impact of the Spitzenkandidaten following its repudiation in 2019, this research holds significant potential to inform our understanding of the current shape of contemporary European democracy and the EU’s democratic deficit.Show less
In modern political philosophy, utilitarianism is often considered a road once tried and found wanting. A major reason for this is the eminence of John Rawls' Theory of Justice, which provides a...Show moreIn modern political philosophy, utilitarianism is often considered a road once tried and found wanting. A major reason for this is the eminence of John Rawls' Theory of Justice, which provides a number of arguments against it. One of them is the separateness of persons objection, which accuses utilitarianism of viewing separate persons as one, and thus considers the happiness of individuals freely aggregateable and interchangeable. This, it is thought, results in unacceptable consequences in matters of distribution. Similar criticisms are found in the works of Scanlon and Nozick. In this thesis I argue that the separateness of persons argument only works if interpreted as a weak argument against moral aggregation, and that a type of utilitarianism, restricted to political domain and informed by the practical limitations of human nature and the possibilities available to the utilitarian state, can deal with this objections.Show less
In this thesis I examine the arguments against open borders that David Miller gives in his book 'Strangers in Our Midst'. First, I identify and examine three stages in his case. Then, I show...Show moreIn this thesis I examine the arguments against open borders that David Miller gives in his book 'Strangers in Our Midst'. First, I identify and examine three stages in his case. Then, I show problems with the first two stages. Finally, I examine the third stage and, focusing on the usage of 'culture' make clear why Miller's case fails.Show less
In this analysis into political and moral philosophy, the author argues that non-state actors could, under the right conditions, be considered morally and politically legitimate in carrying out a...Show moreIn this analysis into political and moral philosophy, the author argues that non-state actors could, under the right conditions, be considered morally and politically legitimate in carrying out a humanitarian intervention. This is done by assuming a minimal theory of universal human rights and then looking further into the contemporary literature surrounding humanitarian intervention as well as its history and application. In doing so, there does not seem to be moral, conceptual, or legal boundaries that would disallow such an intervention if carried out under the specified conditions. The implications of such a non-state humanitarian actor could change the way in which humanitarian interventions are carried out and remove or reduce the primacy of the state oriented nature of such interventions. Alec J. Bowie (2016) “The Legitimacy of Non-State Actors in Humanitarian Intervention”, Leiden Student RepositoryShow less
The aim of this thesis is to provide a comparative insight in benevolence (ren) as a leadership quality. The main focus is on the understanding of ren in the base of Confucianism, after which its...Show moreThe aim of this thesis is to provide a comparative insight in benevolence (ren) as a leadership quality. The main focus is on the understanding of ren in the base of Confucianism, after which its keystones are compared to those of Liberalism. In the first part, it focuses on the meaning of ren that can be derived from relevant passages in the Analects of Confucius (the Lunyu). The second part explores its significance as a leadership quality. It ends with a comparative study between these keystones found, and those of liberalism in the broadest sense of the notion.Show less
This thesis intends to use The 120 Days of Sodom to contribute to a reflection upon sovereignty in political philosophy. The overarching aim is to determine the extent to which Sade’s conception of...Show moreThis thesis intends to use The 120 Days of Sodom to contribute to a reflection upon sovereignty in political philosophy. The overarching aim is to determine the extent to which Sade’s conception of transgression in The 120 Days can illumine the problem of sovereignty. The thesis will argue that this novel presents a sustained revelation of a particular paradox evident in sovereign theory. This paradox is explicitly dealt with in the political philosophy of the German jurist Carl Schmitt (1888-1985). It is the contention of this thesis that the political philosophy of de Sade, as outlined in The 120 Days, contains precise affinities with Schmitt’s theory of the exception. Like Schmitt, Sade articulates the transgressive capacity of sovereign power. Sovereignty rests upon mere attribution, not moral or normative considerations. Sovereign authority, once attributed, is legitimate because the sovereign has the power and authority to decide that it is legitimate. This ‘decision’ creates our paradox: the transcendent preserver of law is ultimately not bound to the law that is ordered. Consequently, the sovereign power alone is capable of legitimate transgression, going beyond the normal order with the aim of sustaining the normal order. Any suspension of law on behalf of the sovereign is an act of transgression. In the suspension of law, the sovereign transgresses the limits of the juridical order, with the aim of sustaining the legal order, hence the paradox. This thesis will focus on The 120 Days of Sodom as a philosophical novel about the possibility of absolute sovereignty. In the ‘real world’, the suspension of law sustains the juridical order, the transgression ultimately serving a practical purpose which is to uphold juridical normalcy. In Sade’s fictive space, however, he details no such bounds. The 120 Days is a wildly destructive exercise; it imitates the justification of sovereign power found in the decision to create a situation of infinite transgression of boundaries and limits. Sade forms an impossible universe wherein the exception becomes a normative principle. Sade accelerates the principle of sovereign power – the decisionistic aspect of the law – portraying seemingly endless attempts to sustain the “miracle” moment.Show less
Nietzsche's social theory, even to this day, maintains a problematical relation with the National Socialistic ideology. One of the philosophers who evaluated this link is Albert Camus. He...Show moreNietzsche's social theory, even to this day, maintains a problematical relation with the National Socialistic ideology. One of the philosophers who evaluated this link is Albert Camus. He criticizes Nietzsche for giving a methodological ground for National Socialistic thought. In this essay I will defend Nietzsche's social theory against this critique.Show less
Whether the state can, even in theory, be legitimate was brought into question by Robert Paul Wolff’s “In Defense of Anarchy” (1970). Wolff argued for the illegitimacy of the state based on the...Show moreWhether the state can, even in theory, be legitimate was brought into question by Robert Paul Wolff’s “In Defense of Anarchy” (1970). Wolff argued for the illegitimacy of the state based on the incompatibility of practical authority and autonomy. This thesis aims to refute this claim of state illegitimacy by building on and adjusting Raz’s revision of authority, as put forward in “Morality of Freedom” (1986), to show that practical authority can in fact be compatible with moral and personal autonomy. It is hoped that this thesis can show by an a priori argument that there can be forms of human community in which some men have the moral right to rule (legitimate practical authority) even if their realization is highly unlikely.Show less
The concept of the Green Economy has inspired a great deal of discussion and has become highly politicized. Adversaries of the concept, such as the Belgium authors and ecological activists Anneleen...Show moreThe concept of the Green Economy has inspired a great deal of discussion and has become highly politicized. Adversaries of the concept, such as the Belgium authors and ecological activists Anneleen Kenis and Matthias Lievens (The Myth of the Green Economy,2012), argue that the concept of a Green Economy is merely a myth created by profit seeking businesses and overly rational neoliberals: it is merely the result of wishful thinking. In this thesis it will be examined whether the concept of the Green Economy is truly just a myth. In order to examine this issue a general research question is formulated: “What are the possibilities and restrictions of ecological sustainability in a free market economy?” In order to finds answers the following subquestions will be adressed. The first question is: which subjects currently dominate the discourse on the concept of the Green Economy? The second question is: which green-economic solutions do prominent authors on the subject matter put forward regarding the Green Economy and ecological sustainability? And the third and last sub-question is: to what extent are the proposed solutions maintainable regarding the current state of the economy? Having examined and evaluated these questions, and having adressed the possible themes, concepts, and regulations associated with the Green Economy, the general research question will be answered in the concluding section of this thesis with cautious optimism.It is important to note that, due to the limited space of this BA thesis the review of the discourse is not exhaustive. Similarly, the regarded proposals are not a complete enumeration of all possible solutions, but a selection of the most significant ones. Nevertheless, I have aimed to provide the reader with a detailed insight into the existing discourse of the Green Economy.Show less
