This thesis seeks to examine the strand of Buddhism called Engaged Buddhism within the context of a Western political science concept called affective polarisation. Formulated in differing societal...Show moreThis thesis seeks to examine the strand of Buddhism called Engaged Buddhism within the context of a Western political science concept called affective polarisation. Formulated in differing societal contexts on different continent, the doctrines expressed in both theories inevitably showcase differences between one another. However, more interesting than the differences that can be found are the similarities, which provide striking and illuminating points of correspondence. Formulating the structure of this thesis by means of the triad of thesis, antithesis, synthesis might clarify the effort that will be undertaken. The first chapter will discuss arguments in support of how affective polarisation can best be ameliorated. Affective polarisation has been addressed as fitting into the theory of social identity. The second chapter will look at how from a Western perspective, similarities can be discerned in Engaged Buddhism with regards to affective polarisation. But more importantly, this chapter will allow for a different Buddhist perspective on how to tackle the problem of affective polarisation. The conclusion will naturally culminate in the synthesis.Show less
Despite their deeply patriarchal and macho culture, Latin America, and more recently Turkey, have seen a rise of female leaders in national politics. This paper’s intention is to explain this...Show moreDespite their deeply patriarchal and macho culture, Latin America, and more recently Turkey, have seen a rise of female leaders in national politics. This paper’s intention is to explain this phenomenon by studying the impact of local culture and the gender roles that it engenders on the political behaviour of female politicians, and how female leaders make use of those gender roles to gain popularity and support. The paper runs through the local history and culture of the aforementioned regions with respect to female presence in politics, and exposes the male/female leadership models used by female politicians. Thence, it takes a deeper look into three contemporary female political figures, each corresponding to a different female leadership model: Cristina Kirchner for “wife”, Michelle Bachelet for “daughter”, and Meral Akşener for “neither”, signifying an independent female leader. The results obtained through visual and Critical Discourse Analysis reveal that the three scrutinized female politicians resort to both female and male gender roles, enabling them to benefit from the advantages of both gender roles, consequently increasing their political popularity and grip on power.Show less
This thesis examines how contemporary Spanish “Recovery of Historical Memory” have acted as “pressure groups” in their quest to gain recognition for approximately 30.000 Republicans that died of...Show moreThis thesis examines how contemporary Spanish “Recovery of Historical Memory” have acted as “pressure groups” in their quest to gain recognition for approximately 30.000 Republicans that died of Francoist violence and who are buried in hundreds of mass graves throughout Spain until today. In order to do so, this work performs a case study analysis of two Spanish “Recovery of Historical Memory” organizations, ARMH and Foro, and examines what activities these associations have carried out between their emergence in 2000 and 2007, when Spain implemented a Historical Memory law. The information in this thesis is based on secondary literature, primary sources, Spanish blogposts by members of both ARMH and Foro on their official websites respectively and interviews that the author has conducted with association members from ARMH in Spanish. The main argument that will be put forth, is that there have been four ways through which the associations have acted as “pressure groups” and have tried to gain public recognition for the Republican dead: (1) via the use of media campaigns, (2) by organizing protests, (3) by means of popular participation in national politics and (4) via collaboration with international organizations. In addition to this, this thesis argues that ARMH has been the most successful in influencing the Spanish government, by pressuring Madrid through their collaboration with international organizations. Moreover, this thesis contributes to two main bodies of scholarly literature: “pressure groups” and “Recovery of Historical Memory” literature since it provides new insights in how “Recovery of Historical Memory” organizations act as “pressure groups”, and it diversifies the existing scholarship that deals with these “Recovery of Historical Memory” organizations by considering both ARMH and Foro.Show less
This thesis examines how US foreign policy behavior affects legitimacy of the ICC since the events of September 9/11, 2001 on American soil. Since the establishment of the International Criminal...Show moreThis thesis examines how US foreign policy behavior affects legitimacy of the ICC since the events of September 9/11, 2001 on American soil. Since the establishment of the International Criminal Court (ICC) in 2002, a hot topic under debate concerns its usefulness for international individual prosecution. The jurisdiction of the ICC consists of specific offence crimes namely, the prosecution of individuals committing genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and crimes of aggression. Supporters in favor of the debate argue that the ICC serves as a useful tool and thus is accountable for creating coherence in terms of justice, peace and stability. In contrast, challengers do not recognize the ICC as a useful institute to achieve more order and to realize effective prosecution of individuals worldwide. As one of the challengers, the United States decided not to ratify the established ICC in its current structure. The US accuses the ICC of being a bearer to disorder in international prosecution of individuals. Moreover, the legitimacy of the ICC remains questioned and therefore, its sustainability. For a significant part, the sustainability of the ICC seems dependent on consent of its support and its legitimacy.Show less
Addressing a shortcoming in theories on the influence of emotion on political decision-making this thesis aims to explore the distinct effects of anger on voting behavior in the Netherlands. The...Show moreAddressing a shortcoming in theories on the influence of emotion on political decision-making this thesis aims to explore the distinct effects of anger on voting behavior in the Netherlands. The biological origin of emotion and its function in individuals and social interactions, specifically the influence on decision-making processes, are justification for including emotion in a model of vote choice. However, this inclusion should correspond with the biology and theoretical predictions of emotional effects. The most complete and authoritative model which includes emotion is the Theory of Affective Intelligence (AI). Because in the operationalization of anxiety fear and anger are combined, the theory is flawed in this respect. This is an important issue to address since it can have a significant impact on predictions from the model. Predictions that can be used to solve the ongoing debate on the personalization of Dutch politics by pointing to the different circumstances under which voters rely on different decision-making strategies. Using a a online survey to collect data, which included items on candidate traits, policy preferences and ideology, party attachments and background items, the hypotheses for the specific effects of anger were tested in a model based on logistic regression. The survey included a manipulation of the emotional state. Results show some distinct influences of anger and fear. Fear increases the relative weight candidate traits in a vote-choice, whereas anger increases the weight of ideological distance and policy preferences. Furthermore, party-attachments are weak and knowledge seems to have no effect.Show less
In the past, the threat of nuclear arms and the states and actors that might gain access to such technology has resulted in the pre-emptive use of military force against states. Israel attacked...Show moreIn the past, the threat of nuclear arms and the states and actors that might gain access to such technology has resulted in the pre-emptive use of military force against states. Israel attacked Iraq (Operation Opera in 1981) and Syria (Operation Orchard in 2007) in order to prevent or forcefully disrupt their nuclear proliferation efforts. Currently, concern about Iran’s nuclear program has raised debate about the possibility of an Israeli pre-emptive attack. This thesis employs hypotheses from realist, constructivist and liberal theory to explain the use of force in counter-proliferation, using a strategy of within-case and across-case analysis of both prior attacks. I locate determining conditions that led Israel to use force in counter proliferation. The hypotheses explore conditions such as uncertainty about state identity, the perception of threat, the risk of shift in regional power balance, prior military hostility, hostile public statements made by state leaders, undeterrability and the domestic support of state leaders. Most of these conditions are present in the current case of Iran, when considering the possibility of a pre-emptive Israeli attack. If Iran’s military support to Hezbollah is interpreted as indirect military hostility, all the conditions for an Israeli pre-emptive attack would be present, when considering the conditions leading to the previous two Israeli attacks in counter proliferation. The analysis suggests there is a high chance that this will cause Israel to use pre-emptive force in order to destroy Iran’s nuclear facilities, as the “Begin Doctrine”, on which Israel’s security policy is based, will not accept such high security risks.Show less
