Despite being a modern and innovative country, antifeminism has seen a surge in recent years in South Korea. Plagued by economic insecurities, young men in the country are increasingly directing...Show moreDespite being a modern and innovative country, antifeminism has seen a surge in recent years in South Korea. Plagued by economic insecurities, young men in the country are increasingly directing their anger towards their female counterparts, who receive structural preferential treatment in their eyes. Men’s rights groups and politicians have boldly taken hold of such rhetoric. No long-term study into exactly how these sentiments have influenced Korean politics beyond merely the conservative candidate Yoon SukYeol during the 2022 presidential elections has been conducted, however. Using the research question ‘’How did the antifeminism of the Korean men’s rights movement affect the main two parties’ narratives during and after the 2022 South Korean presidential elections?’’, this thesis aims to go beyond this, analyzing statements by the conservative and democratic political camps alike during and after the elections through a wide set of collected news articles. As is found, despite democratic politicians being less severe in their antifeminism and going into a more feminist direction since the 2022 elections, both the Democratic Party and the conservative People Power Party have made extensive use of a populist form of antifeminism in their political narratives. These findings not only contribute to the growing field of academics on populist antifeminism but are similarly an important warning for the societal dangers of division beyond electoral politics.Show less
This thesis explores the shifts in Eurosceptic conspiracy rhetoric in the tweets of Dutch populist politician Geert Wilders, focusing on how he may strategically adjust his rhetoric as his Party...Show moreThis thesis explores the shifts in Eurosceptic conspiracy rhetoric in the tweets of Dutch populist politician Geert Wilders, focusing on how he may strategically adjust his rhetoric as his Party for Freedom (PVV) moves from an outsider to a mainstream party in the 2021 and 2023 elections. Using a mixed-methods approach, 1,573 tweets from Wilders' X-account were collected and analysed, identifying 253 tweets containing conspiracy rhetoric, including 32 Eurosceptic conspiracy rhetoric tweets. The study created and employed a robust codebook to code the conspiracy tweets for their theme, agent, action, and intensity. The thesis places itself in the existing literature on the intersection of populism and conspiracy theories and their shared characteristics of anti-elitism, anti-pluralism, and threatened nationalism. Moreover, the study is underpinned by the theory that populism and conspiracy theories are used as an anti-establishment mobilisation tool, based on those shared characteristics. The study’s findings indicate that conspiracy rhetoric was more common and intense during Wilders' outsider position in 2021, with a dominant theme of deliberate government malfunction and targeting the government and political establishment as the conspiring agents. In contrast, in the 2023 election period, when Wilders gained a mainstream status, the conspiracy rhetoric became less frequent and its content less intense, focusing on themes of migration and its associated threats. This shift suggests a strategic moderation of Wilders' rhetoric to position himself as a potential coalition and government partner. These findings contribute to the broader discussion on populism and conspiracy rhetoric by showing the shifts in this rhetoric are mainly based on the changing party status. As many populists are experiencing a mainstreaming shift all over the world, this study is highly relevant. Further research can build on the current study, by employing a similar analysis that compares two populists’ rhetoric and by analysing Wilders’ rhetoric once more during or after his time in government.Show less
In March 2020, the World Health Organization declared Covid-19 a pandemic. In response to the rapid and global spread of the disease, different countries instated different kinds of measures in...Show moreIn March 2020, the World Health Organization declared Covid-19 a pandemic. In response to the rapid and global spread of the disease, different countries instated different kinds of measures in different degrees, that of course triggered different outcomes. In Sub-Saharan Africa, the first case of COVD-19 was reported on February 27th of 2020 in Nigeria, and it did not take long before it spread all across the region. Despite the general challenges that the region faces in context of containing public health emergencies – relating to lack of resources and state-capacity, low accessibility of health services, poverty and a large informal sector - national responses too differed vastly. Uganda, for example, is a country often praised for its response.This stands in stark contrast with the response of neighboring country Tanzania, whose approach was characterized by simplification, denialism and dismissal of the pandemic. This thesis yields an explanation for delayed national COVID-19 responses by first comparing the cases of Tanzania and Uganda, and then taking an in-depth look at Tanzania's delayed COVID-19 response. The argument holds that, in Tanzania, contemporary political and institutional factors should be taken into account together with the post-independence, historical legacy of the ruling CCM party. It makes use of critical juncture theory and the concept of medical populism to illustrate the opening up of political-space in light of the 2020 Tanzanian Presidential elections. Further research might focus on other enablers of populism in Sub-Saharan Africa, as manifestations of populism remain under-researched there. For example, (lack of) economic development has been identified as a global cause for populism. Although this was not the case for Tanzania specifically, it might play a role elsewhere in the region.Show less
This paper serves as an exploratory study into the causes and effects of rudeness in and on parliamentary discourse. The literature shows that populist speakers use distinct linguistic tactics, and...Show moreThis paper serves as an exploratory study into the causes and effects of rudeness in and on parliamentary discourse. The literature shows that populist speakers use distinct linguistic tactics, and that affective language, such as rudeness, can have polarising effects on speakers and audiences. This research hypothesises that populist speakers are primarily responsible for the increase of rudeness in parliamentary discourse, and that this has a negative effect on the compromising force of debate. This research was conducted by analysing three debates and identifying individual instances of rudeness. These instances were then tagged with their corresponding characteristics in statistical software. The data shows that rudeness is increasingly used in the Dutch Parliament, that it has a polarising effect, and that populist speakers are the most frequent producers of rudeness. The implications of this are that rudeness is a linguistic phenomenon that runs counter to well-functioning democratic debate with a goal of compromise.Show less
This thesis examines the concepts of populism and fascism as fodder for satirical themes in literature and as a device for warning of impending populist and fascist surges. Populism is a group...Show moreThis thesis examines the concepts of populism and fascism as fodder for satirical themes in literature and as a device for warning of impending populist and fascist surges. Populism is a group response to individual grievances and differences, and when compounded by social insecurities like ethnic and cultural insecurity and economic insecurity, can lead to a justification of fascism and the rise of authoritarian leaders. I will demonstrate the relevance of populism and fascism in a comparative literature analysis of Sinclair Lewis’s Main Street (1920) and Lewis’s It Can’t Happen Here (1935).Show less
This thesis explores how the populist radical right seeks to control non-majoritarian liberal institutions through democratic means. Specifically, I test this theory within presidential systems,...Show moreThis thesis explores how the populist radical right seeks to control non-majoritarian liberal institutions through democratic means. Specifically, I test this theory within presidential systems, examining whether a radical right government leads to an increase in legislative proposals that target the disempowerment of constitutional courts. Therefore, my hypothesis is that the number of legislative bills aiming to overcome the autonomy of constitutional courts is higher under populist radical right governments than under non-radical ones. I employ a mixed-method approach, starting with four longitudinal quantitative research and then applying in-depth analyses conducted in Brazil, El Salvador, the Philippines, and the United States to compare instances of radical right governance with those of previous non-radical coalitions in each country. The results generally support the hypothesis, except for a notable deviant case observed in the United States.Show less
Populist leaders seem to rely on misinformation, fake news, and conspiracies to expand their power and keep their followers engaged and drown out condemnation from any opponents (Bergman, 2020;...Show morePopulist leaders seem to rely on misinformation, fake news, and conspiracies to expand their power and keep their followers engaged and drown out condemnation from any opponents (Bergman, 2020; Tucker et al 2017). There has been an established relationship between populism and conspiracies, but the literature is still learning exactly in which ways conspiracy theories are used by populist (Taggart, 2018). This thesis conducts a discourse analysis of two controversial American politics to determine in which ways they use conspiracies. It shows populists will utilize conspiracies if they have a disparaging relationship with nonpartisan experts. Once they decide to use conspiracies, they are able to do so to explain why ‘the people’ are not a majority, yet their will should still be considered absolute. And lastly, they are able to limit the amount of information sources they advocate to their followers, potentially isolating voters from truth or criticism.Show less
This thesis analyses regional variation in the communication of the German right-wing populist party Alternative für Deutschland (AfD). A discourse analysis of party programmes and speeches for...Show moreThis thesis analyses regional variation in the communication of the German right-wing populist party Alternative für Deutschland (AfD). A discourse analysis of party programmes and speeches for federal state election seeks to explore differences in the way issues such as national and regional identity, the EU as well as the past are framed. The results suggest that in the East German federal states that constituted the German Democratic Republic (GDR) a distinct regional identity and cultural memory are stressed and economic grievances are mobilised, which reinforces the persisting East-West divide in Germany.Show less
Throughout its existence, the European Union has been challenged and criticized by populist parties from both the left-wing and right-wing of the political spectrum. As the growing support for...Show moreThroughout its existence, the European Union has been challenged and criticized by populist parties from both the left-wing and right-wing of the political spectrum. As the growing support for populist parties within Europe could have negative consequences for the future of the EU, this thesis is concerned with the Eurosceptic behaviour of populist parties in one member state of the EU, namely the Netherlands. This thesis conducts an analysis of the discourse and voting behaviour of a Dutch left-wing populist party, the Socialist Party, and right-wing populist party, the Party for Freedom, regarding the European Union in order to find out to what extent populist parties with different ideological persuasions share a Eurosceptic stance due to their shared populism. As a result, the research question of this thesis is: In what ways do populist left-wing and populist right-wing parties’ discourse and voting behaviour on the issue of the EU differ in the Netherlands? Based on the analysis of the chosen sources, which include party manifestos, parliamentary debates and votes in the Dutch House of Representatives, the final results of this analysis reveal that the left-wing SP and right-wing PVV do have some similar stances on the EU due to their populist background, but predominantly have different motivations for their Eurosceptic stance due to their ideological persuasions. Therefore, this thesis concludes that we cannot speak of a unified populist Eurosceptic narrative.Show less
This paper seeks to find out commonalities within the foreign policy of populist governments. This paper will explore populism from various angles and contextualize it within the sphere of...Show moreThis paper seeks to find out commonalities within the foreign policy of populist governments. This paper will explore populism from various angles and contextualize it within the sphere of international politics. Populism is often seen as a reaction to globalization and the eroding of national sovereignty, which will be shown by the case examples of Hungary and Turkey. This paper finds that how much 'populist' populists' foreign policy depends on the underlying thicker ideology, not just populism alone.Show less
The economic and financial crisis, Brexit, mass migration, the claim to more sovereignty and the undermining of the fundamental values and the rule of law by some Member States (MS) has led to...Show moreThe economic and financial crisis, Brexit, mass migration, the claim to more sovereignty and the undermining of the fundamental values and the rule of law by some Member States (MS) has led to political unrest within the European Union (EU) in recent years. This has become reason for some political movements (the so-called Eurosceptics) in European countries to question the legitimacy of the EU and to push for more sovereignty for MS and even striving for an EU departure. The question arises whether MS in the EU are substantively questioning the legitimacy of the EU and whether this legitimacy issue is a well-founded topic of discussion in the political debate. This study examines that question by focussing on the case study of the Netherlands and highlights the political developments in the Netherlands regarding the legitimacy of the EU. Regarding the legitimacy of the EU, research was conducted over the period 2009 – 2022 also referred to as the post-Lisbon era. The party programs (2012, 2017 and 2021) of 6 political parties, the debates in the Dutch parliament and the coalition agreements (2012, 2017 and 2022) were studied on topics related to legitimacy of the EU. These categories include, compliance (transparency, compliance with agreements and financial controls), problem-solving capacity (the extent to which and which problems must be solved at European level) and justification (sovereignty and the subsidiarity principle). It is registered which subjects are mentioned and what the position is. The results have been analysed according to the mixed content method. It was concluded that that over time, the debate of legitimacy evolved, and political parties became more critical of the EU’s transparency and democratic legitimacy. At the same time, most parties remained pro-EU and realised that in the problem-solving category, this is with most larger problems only solvable at EU level. In conclusion, from an EU perspective, the developments in the Netherlands are surprisingly positive. Although Dutch politicians remain critical of the decision-making process and the lack of transparency, the believe that staying in the EU is the most positive for the Netherlands is still viable with the majority of the Dutch parliament. This is ultimately positive for the future of the EU.Show less
The influence of right-wing populist ideology on governments has increased over the past two decades and these developments are still ongoing in several countries over the world. Right-wing...Show moreThe influence of right-wing populist ideology on governments has increased over the past two decades and these developments are still ongoing in several countries over the world. Right-wing populist politics is often characterized by values of anti-pluralism and anti-elite, which threaten diverse, inclusive, and open societies. These influences in the form of populistic pressures may lead to democratic backsliding and can have far-reaching consequences on the administrative apparatus and political-administrative relations. Top civil servants as main actors within the democratic constitutional state and the civil service are important in safeguarding day-to-day governance and in dealing with populistic pressures and preventing democratic backsliding. This research, therefore, focuses on the perceptions and expectations of top civil servants regarding which strategies and actions a government with a populistic signature will adopt and subsequently the response of civil servants to these pressures. The findings show that the absolute majority of top civil servants expect that a government with a populist signature will adopt strategies and actions about centralization of both structure and resources and regarding the politicization of both norms and personnel. Furthermore, most top civil servants are neutral regarding their expectations of whether civil servants will respond. They consider it most likely that civil servants will resign, closely followed by speaking out against the policy. They find it more likely that civil servants will have a response than not respond, and finally, expect that civil servants will not be loyal to a populist government when dealing with populistic pressures.Show less
