In late 2019, Chile and Colombia witnessed mass protests of historic dimensions that united different generations, ideologies, and sectors of civil society in their dissatisfaction with their...Show moreIn late 2019, Chile and Colombia witnessed mass protests of historic dimensions that united different generations, ideologies, and sectors of civil society in their dissatisfaction with their governments, the current neoliberal model, its socio-economic policies and malaises like inequality, poverty, and violence. The mostly peaceful and brutally repressed protests vary in their immediate political outcomes. While the Chilean case can be considered a success story, which achieved the start of a constitutional reform process, Colombia’s protests did not induce any significant political transformation. Why do protests with similar characteristics lead to different short-term political outcomes? Applying a comparative case study of the most-similar cases of the 2019-2020 mass protests in Chile and Colombia, this study argues that classic explanations regarding endogenous and exogenous variables of social movements fall short of explaining these different outcomes. Instead, this article suggests that short-term protest “success” and “failure” can be better explained by a society’s history of repression and its consequences for collective experience with protest mobilization. This proposed hypothesis is based on a theoretical framework combining social movement literature and research on the repression-mobilization relationship and is examined in a document analysis of material from a wide array of sources on the protests.Show less
This research examined the factors that influence the public perception of government response towards protests. A survey with a small sample size (N = 135) was used to acquire the data. The...Show moreThis research examined the factors that influence the public perception of government response towards protests. A survey with a small sample size (N = 135) was used to acquire the data. The results show that threat perception matters for the public’s preferred government response towards protests. The research found that policing measures were preferred more when people protesting against a new government policy began using violence against the police and destroyed public property. Additionally, the results showed that the subject of the protest matters for the threat perception. Policing measures were preferred more when people were protesting against the coronavirus lockdown than when they were protesting against a new government policy. Anti-lockdown protestors were thus deemed more threatening than people protesting against a new government policy. This was the case in a normal protesting situation and when people protested in an unauthorized location.Show less
In an unprecedented era of rebellion, social mobilisation, repression and state terror, regime leaders have found themselves challenged by citizens to step–down from the political sphere. Often,...Show moreIn an unprecedented era of rebellion, social mobilisation, repression and state terror, regime leaders have found themselves challenged by citizens to step–down from the political sphere. Often, the response to these challenges is to repress citizens into political quiescence. However, just as much as protests can be unsuccessful, as can the tools used to suppress them. This thesis will evaluate the effects of repression on protests demands through a quantitative, large–N study of the repressiveness of a regime (on a scale of 1–5), and the demands of protests (regime change or not) in the Middle East and North Africa countries. This was done by combining the Political Terror Scale, and Chenoweth & Shay’s NAVCO1.3. Furthermore, by exploring the threat perception theory, the backlash hypothesis, and conducting a Chi–Square test of the above variables, the thesis came to the conclusion that there is a positive, moderate correlation between repressiveness of regime and protest demands, as well as being statistically significant.Show less
This thesis aims to discuss how the contemporary movements are the result of a history of tense relations between the region, its mainly Amazigh inhabitants and the Makhzen as well as paying...Show moreThis thesis aims to discuss how the contemporary movements are the result of a history of tense relations between the region, its mainly Amazigh inhabitants and the Makhzen as well as paying attention to how protesters communicate their contention. It can be argued that the economic issues in this region also developed with identity politics and regional contention at its heart. In order to analyze this, it is essential to explore the history of the Rif in a larger context, highlighting not only incidents between Berbers and the Makhzen, but also sentiments regarding one another. A historical overview will provide the frame in which to discuss marginalisation of the region and how this is perceived by Riffians. Lastly, the issue of Riffian-Amazigh identity will be discussed through a study of protest images, including different elements of identity and contentionShow less
Looking at the possibility of violence in local manifestations of global protest movements can help predict the likelihood of violence occurring during new instances of protest. Looing at Occupy...Show moreLooking at the possibility of violence in local manifestations of global protest movements can help predict the likelihood of violence occurring during new instances of protest. Looing at Occupy Wall Street and the Global Justice movement and their local chapters in New York, London and Hamburg has led to several insights. Despite the disconnect between conflict and violence, the underlying logic of using violence as a repertoire of contention becomes evident. The time available for both the preparation of the protest and the response from the authorities do play a role in determining the degree of violence. Spontaneous protests, such as Occupy Wall Street in New York and London only were met with attention, and later violence, when their primary goal of public deliberation became evident. The violence was coupled with attempts at eviction. In case of Global Justice Movement protests as a response to the G20 summits in London and Hamburg, the activists had a longer time to prepare, which gave the authorities to prepare a response. Moreover, the protesters only had a limited time available and had to utilise that time to make their demands known. It appears, therefor, that the temporality of a protest is a significant factor in the likelihood of violence.Show less
This thesis aimed to apply new social movement (NSM) theory on the ongoing yellow vests movement in France. These set of theories claim that collective action from the 1960’s onwards represents a...Show moreThis thesis aimed to apply new social movement (NSM) theory on the ongoing yellow vests movement in France. These set of theories claim that collective action from the 1960’s onwards represents a radical shift away from materialist-driven, class-based social movements of decades prior. NSM theory states that modern collective action focuses more on cultural and societal issues, highlights the decline in importance of class, particularly the working-class, as well as the considerable distance from existing political systems. However, the highly-charged and seemingly material-based yellow vests movement, with its muddled and messy message of systematic change represents a noticeable shift away from this theoretical paradigm. Thus, this thesis concluded that NSM theory is becoming increasingly inadequate in explaining this type of collective action.Show less
Sport is never just a game. In an imperial context, it connotes a host of ideals and values directly linked to foreign political authority. In treaty port Shanghai, competition between the city’s...Show moreSport is never just a game. In an imperial context, it connotes a host of ideals and values directly linked to foreign political authority. In treaty port Shanghai, competition between the city’s many national communities was similarly conceived of as a tool to strengthen foreign power. The practice of protest at international sports events by Shanghai’s Chinese population subverted these attempts and enabled protestors to undermine foreign legitimacy. This thesis applies the lens of political culture to examine how meaning was attached to protest at international sporting events and analyse how this was received by Shanghai’s foreign community. Sport has frequently been overlooked in the wider historiography of protest. However, an investigation of the practice of sports protest is highly relevant for providing valuable insights into the nature of social relations. While historians have generally assumed that Shanghai’s foreign society was insular, studying protest shows not only that there was significant contact, but that this was exploited for political aims. Sport provided a unique avenue for protest by encapsulating foreign rituals of rule, which could be spontaneously usurped to mount a symbolic challenge. Comparison with formal colonial contexts illustrates that sport as a channel for protest was shaped by Shanghai’s semi-colonial arrangement, illuminating the broader complexities and vulnerabilities of semi-colonial control.Show less
Met de machtsgreep van de NSDAP in Duitsland in 1933, werd de ontwikkeling van de Duitse film sterk beïnvloed. Veel films met een nationalistisch karakter werden daardoor geproduceerd. Toen in...Show moreMet de machtsgreep van de NSDAP in Duitsland in 1933, werd de ontwikkeling van de Duitse film sterk beïnvloed. Veel films met een nationalistisch karakter werden daardoor geproduceerd. Toen in februari 1933 de eerste Duits nationalistische film in de Nederlandse bioscopen verscheen, veroorzaakte dit veel ophef onder Communisten en Links-socialisten, met als resultaat grote protesten in Amsterdam, Rotterdam en Den Haag. Waarom zorgden deze films voor zo veel ophef in communistische en links-socialistische kringen?Show less
Art provides a reflection on political and social conditions and for that reason, has been a tool used to express opposition. In communist Poland, film became a popular means for engaging in...Show moreArt provides a reflection on political and social conditions and for that reason, has been a tool used to express opposition. In communist Poland, film became a popular means for engaging in political discourse that would otherwise not be allowed. This thesis seeks to explore the role of art and film in Poland between the 1950s and 1970s, using Andrzej Wajda's film "Man of Marble" as a case study.Show less
In deze scriptie wordt onderzoek gedaan naar politieke protesten in Hong Kong. Centraal staat de vraag hoe is de rijzende protestruimte voor sociale bewegingen in Hong Kong ontstaan in de periode...Show moreIn deze scriptie wordt onderzoek gedaan naar politieke protesten in Hong Kong. Centraal staat de vraag hoe is de rijzende protestruimte voor sociale bewegingen in Hong Kong ontstaan in de periode 1997-2012? Deze vraag wordt beantwoordt vanuit het perspectief van het political opportunity structure model. De centrale aanname is dat externe politieke factoren verantwoordelijk zijn voor het mobilisatieproces van protesten in Hong Kong. Dit onderzoek wijst uit dat twee specifieke externe politieke factoren, namelijk de grondwet en het economische systeem het mobilisatieproces kunnen verklaren. Ook wordt kort gekeken of de grootschalige mobilisatie in Hong Kong van invloed is op het mobilisatieproces in China. Dit lijkt vooralsnog niet het geval, omdat de verschillen tussen de twee systemen te groot lijken te zijn.Show less
