Both scholars and politicians struggle to understand how the decision was made to go ahead with the annexation and for what reasons. Some scholars argue that Russia decided to annex Crimea because...Show moreBoth scholars and politicians struggle to understand how the decision was made to go ahead with the annexation and for what reasons. Some scholars argue that Russia decided to annex Crimea because of its importance as “the spiritual source” of the Russian nation, others state that Russia’s historical claim to the peninsula was the reason for the annexation (Russia possessed it until 1954 when the Soviet leadership transferred it to the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic). Another group claims it was a purely strategic decision since it allowed Russia to increase its military capabilities by taking over most of the Ukrainian Black See Fleet and that this was just the start of president Putin’s great power restoration campaign . Most of the explanations are rooted in either the realist theory that revolves around power maximisation and self-interest or the constructivist theory that focusses on norms and identities. This thesis will build on the realist explanations for the annexation of Crimea, by introducing an analysis through the understudied Type III neoclassical realist theory (NCR), coined by Ripsman, Taliafero and Lobell in their book ‘Neoclassical Realist Theory of International Politics’. The neoclassical realist theory used in this research recognises that a system-only explanation is insufficient and therefore combines systemic variables with unit-level variables in attempting to explain foreign policy choices. This thesis build on the realist explanations for the annexation of Crimea, by introducing an analysis through the understudied Type III neoclassical realist theory (NCR), coined by Ripsman, Taliafero and Lobell in their book ‘Neoclassical Realist Theory of International Politics’. The neoclassical realist theory used in this research recognises that a system-only explanation is insufficient and therefore combines systemic variables with unit-level variables in attempting to explain foreign policy choices. This thesis determined if the four intervening variables neoclassical realism type III identified (e.g. leader images, strategic culture, state-society relations and domestic political institutions) affected the manner in which Russia responded to certain external stimuli (geography, military technology, distribution of power, polarity of the international system, clarity of the international system and the nature of state’s strategic environment) that lead to the annexation of Crimea. This thesis found that a state's strategic environment contributed most significantly to the decision to annex Crimea, because without the political turmoil going on within Ukraine it would have been unlikely that Russia would have succeeded. The research also found that the intervening variables of leader image and strategic culture played a part in the decision making process. Even though the strategic culture helped to gain acceptance among society, it was the leader image that was most influential in shaping the ultimate decision. In the case of Russia and Crimea, it is very clear that president Putin was the actor that made the annexation a reality.Show less
De afgelopen jaren is het debat rondom het Molotov-Ribbentroppact sterk gepolariseerd. Enerzijds verdedigt Rusland met hand en tand het narratief van de Sovjet-Unie als heldhaftige overwinnaar van...Show moreDe afgelopen jaren is het debat rondom het Molotov-Ribbentroppact sterk gepolariseerd. Enerzijds verdedigt Rusland met hand en tand het narratief van de Sovjet-Unie als heldhaftige overwinnaar van de Tweede Wereldoorlog, en is er voor het Molotov-Ribbentrop geen plaats. Immers, Groot-Brittannië en Frankrijk lieten de Sovjet-Unie geen keus met hun 'appeasement-politiek'. Anderzijds stelt het Europese Parlement, sterk beïnvloed door de Baltische Staten - de grote benadeelden van het pact -, dat door het Molotov-Ribbentroppact de Tweede Wereldoorlog kon plaatsvinden. Hoe is het tot deze 'memory war' gekomen, en waarom is de geschiedenis belangrijk voor zowel de Russische federatie als de Europese Unie?Show less
Soft power has become increasingly important for emerging states to establish themselves on the global landscape. Sports mega events present the perfect opportunity to do so in allowing the host...Show moreSoft power has become increasingly important for emerging states to establish themselves on the global landscape. Sports mega events present the perfect opportunity to do so in allowing the host country to engage in nation-branding and image promotion. Academic literature suggests that hosting a sports mega event contributes extensively to the host country’s soft power. With an unfavorable international reputation, Russia recognized the necessity to improve on its soft power and hosted the 2018 FIFA World Cup. However, Russia’s soft power remained seemingly unchanged despite the expected soft power impact of hosting a sports mega event. Academic literature fails to account for the crucial role of the media in determining the success of a sports mega event in combination with the fragile nature of soft power. This thesis argues that negative media narratives resulted in Russia’s inability to increase its soft power despite hosting a sports mega event, and, thereby, that the role of the media has been largely neglected in sports mega event discourse. Negative effects of sports mega events are identified, and corresponding keywords are applied in a qualitative content analysis to analyze negative media narratives in newspaper articles. Subsequently, it is explained what role the media played in the impact Russia's hosting of the 2018 FIFA World Cup had on the country's soft power based on narratives of corruption and human rights violations as well as Russia’s projection as international ‘bad guy’.Show less
The annexation of Crimea by Russia, which took place on the 18th of March 2014, is widely regarded to be one of the most impactful events which occurred in the past decade. This event, which took...Show moreThe annexation of Crimea by Russia, which took place on the 18th of March 2014, is widely regarded to be one of the most impactful events which occurred in the past decade. This event, which took place after the so-called Ukrainian revolution, remains of significant interest to researchers who seek to understand why Russia undertook such an action. Such research is partially hindered by a lack of open access to documents and other sources related to the annexation. In that regard, this thesis is not exactly novel. It too seeks to understand why Russia annexed Crimea. In order to realize that goal, this research utilizes a methodology originating from the field of strategic culture analysis (SCA). This methodology, as originally formulated by Edward Lock, suggests that the researcher maps common ideas regarding strategic culture which can be derived from sources such as public statements, interviews and speeches. Following analysis, the researcher is then able to formulate how these common ideas might influence strategic behavior. Utilizing this approach results in findings which suggest that Russia’s annexation of Crimea was an opportunistic act, driven by external factors such as Russia’s distrust for the West and its fear for NATO, as well as its desire to hold a firm grip on Sevastopol’s naval base.Show less
An examination of siloviki representation in key positions of power during Putin's third presidential term compared to his earlier terms in order to ultimately challenge the alleged link with...Show moreAn examination of siloviki representation in key positions of power during Putin's third presidential term compared to his earlier terms in order to ultimately challenge the alleged link with increased authoritarianism since the 2011/2012 protests.Show less
This thesis argues that the Russian president Vladimir Putin and Ukraine president Petro Poroshenko have so far justified their territorial claims to Crimea in strikingly similar ways. Through a...Show moreThis thesis argues that the Russian president Vladimir Putin and Ukraine president Petro Poroshenko have so far justified their territorial claims to Crimea in strikingly similar ways. Through a qualitative and quantitative content analysis of each president's key speeches, this study finds that both presidents emphasise national-historical arguments when addressing a domestic audience and normative arguments when addressing an international audience, but that both presidents weave the two types of arguments together to create an overall narrative. When compared against each other, this study also finds that Putin uses the most national-historical arguments while Poroshenko uses the most normative arguments. Several conclusions are drawn from these findings, including that the plethora of possible legitimation strategies make positions in a conflict relatively easy to justify, that the Crimea conflict is likely to be intractable, and that more research should be conducted on legitimation strategies in territorial disputes.Show less
In February 2009, the first Obama administration offered its Russian counterpart a "reset button" to renew U.S.-Russian relations. As we now know, however, this initiative failed to structurally...Show moreIn February 2009, the first Obama administration offered its Russian counterpart a "reset button" to renew U.S.-Russian relations. As we now know, however, this initiative failed to structurally alleviate the lingering strains of Cold War antagonism. This thesis will discuss the role of Congress concerning this matter. This is interesting, firstly, because part of the reset's failure can be explained by Congressional counteracts. Secondly, careful analysis of Congressional hearings will show that there is a much less rigid bipartisan dichotomy concerning U.S.-Russian policy than is often taken for granted. All in all, the reader is granted considerable insight into one of the most complex and most urgent bilateral relations of today.Show less
Throughout the past decade, two types of scandalous cases in Russia have been frequented in both the domestic and international media. These are cases of activism, and oligarch or elite corruption....Show moreThroughout the past decade, two types of scandalous cases in Russia have been frequented in both the domestic and international media. These are cases of activism, and oligarch or elite corruption. More specifically, the activism case of members of Pussy Riot was covered by news agencies worldwide, and their court cases were followed closely on a global scale. Contrastingly, the media handles cases involving individuals with a high ranking of authority or close affiliation with the governmental elites differently. This is especially evident in the case of Mikhail Khodorkovsky. The research question of How does the Russian media portray individuals and groups involved in scandalous cases of activism and oligarch corruption? Aims to discuss the similarities and differences to how these cases were handled by the Russian media.Show less
Recent challenges in the relationship between NATO and Russia have led to suspension of political and military cooperation. This thesis assesses the causal relationship between the gradual...Show moreRecent challenges in the relationship between NATO and Russia have led to suspension of political and military cooperation. This thesis assesses the causal relationship between the gradual deterioration of relations and NATO’s expansionism to Eastern Europe. This research uses process tracing of key events and developments to draw a historical pattern of the transformation in the relationship since the ending of the Cold War up until the Ukraine Crisis of 2014. To analyse the relation, this work uses a hybrid model of neorealist and social constructivist theories to understand power relations and motivations that underlie the developments. Overall, NATO’s eastward-enlargement to include former Soviet republics in its membership and its aspirations of creating a European-wide anti-ballistic missile defence system are identified as the main components that fuelled the deterioration in relations with Russia. Responding from a sense of insecurity, Russia has grown more assertive in regional politics to ensure its national interests. Russia has been able to project power in regional politics in aims of regaining its former power status. Russia’s increasingly confrontational stance has eventually manifested in military interventions in Georgia and Ukraine. The current suspension of relations does not constitute a structural new Cold War, but nevertheless is the product of an overall deterioration of relations.Show less
The year 2014 was the year when a slowly simmering conflict between the West and Russia dramatically escalated. This conflict has been framed as a return to the hostilities of the Cold War; however...Show moreThe year 2014 was the year when a slowly simmering conflict between the West and Russia dramatically escalated. This conflict has been framed as a return to the hostilities of the Cold War; however the conflict has much older roots that pre-date the Soviet regime (1917-1991) by centuries. The relationship between Russia and its European rivals has been one of antagonism and grudging cooperation since the eighteenth century. Yet, it is not Russia’s historical foreign relations that are the focus of this study, but Russia’s current ambitions and the weapon it uses to undermine its Western rivals, namely encouraging the growth of nationalism and the far right in Europe, while Russia pursues an Eurasionist project with former Soviet states. Within the European Union anti-Western nationalism driven by the radical right and Russian influence is most visible in France, Hungary and Greece. This paper will analyse the extent and motivations of this relationship and how this relates to Russia’s Eurasian geopolitics.Show less
