This thesis investigates what political participation of Qatari citizens looked like during the diplomatic crisis in Qatar from 2017 until 2021. It does so by conducting a qualitative content...Show moreThis thesis investigates what political participation of Qatari citizens looked like during the diplomatic crisis in Qatar from 2017 until 2021. It does so by conducting a qualitative content analysis of articles published by BBC Monitoring throughout the period of the crisis and complements these with sources from news outlets and social media. The purpose of this work is to provide a better understanding of political participation in rentier states. This thesis concludes that four forms of unconventional political participation existed in Qatar during the diplomatic crisis, namely: digital street politics, contentious collective action, social nonmovements, and elite negotiation. These forms of participation primarily occurred on social media which is a result of the internal structure of politics in Qatar, such as the lack of available political arenas to voice opinions, and the lack of a clear political ideology with both the state and the opposition. Qatari political participation occurred largely in support of the regime because Qatari citizens felt that their national identity was threatened and because their livelihoods depend on the state. This, in combination with what other academic literature tells us, indicates that Qatari citizens have become more interested in politics. However, there are no signs that this will translate into more democratic governance.Show less
Mega sporting events (MSEs) like the Olympic Games and FIFA World Cup are seen by many as pathways for promoting human rights. While MSEs seek to promote ideals like peace and equality, there have...Show moreMega sporting events (MSEs) like the Olympic Games and FIFA World Cup are seen by many as pathways for promoting human rights. While MSEs seek to promote ideals like peace and equality, there have been numerous occasions where hosts of these events undermine the same values the MSEs strive to foster. This can be seen with the most recent edition of the FIFA World Cup in Qatar with the host accused of undermining human rights controversies related to migrant labor, women’s rights, and LGBTQ rights in the country. Given the phenomenon of state’s reacting differently to norm contestation, the central research question this project assesses is: How did democratic states respond to human rights norm contestations at the 2022 FIFA World Cup in Qatar? Building on literature from the schools of human rights, protests, and state responses to norm contestation, this study uses democracy level as an independent variable see its effects on state behavior at the 2022 World Cup. Using a most-similar systems design, a QCA is conducted on Croatia and The Netherlands. This study provides mixed support for realist thought that finds that the closer a state is to being a full democracy, the more likely it is to respond to a norm contesting MSE host.Show less
The reforms of Saudi Arabia's Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman are already well established in the historiography, both domestically and externally. Nevertheless, the association of his reforms...Show moreThe reforms of Saudi Arabia's Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman are already well established in the historiography, both domestically and externally. Nevertheless, the association of his reforms with Mohammed bin Salman's need to demonstrate his ability to rule and his legitimacy to become King of Saudi Arabia in the future has received little attention. The thesis focuses primarily on Mohammed bin Salman's controversial rise to power within the Saudi family and his increased anti-Iranian foreign policy since his appointment as Defense Minister in 2015. The innovative character of the thesis is in the more precise analysis of this anti-Iranian policy by taking three case studies, respectively, the policy exercised by Mohammed bin Salman towards Iran but also Yemen and Qatar. The main argument is that he undertakes this more hostile foreign policy because he needs to show his ability to rule, his power in the region and especially his legitimacy to become future King of the Kingdom.Show less
Due to their geographic proximity, the Gulf and the Horn of Africa share a long history of economic, political and cultural ties. Recent years, however, have seen an unprecedented increase in the...Show moreDue to their geographic proximity, the Gulf and the Horn of Africa share a long history of economic, political and cultural ties. Recent years, however, have seen an unprecedented increase in the presence of Gulf actors in the Horn, accelerated by the Gulf-internal rivalry between Qatar on one side and the remaining members of the Gulf Cooperation Council on the other. With the help of the theoretical framework of Regional Security Complexes and the Spillover Effect, as well as process tracing methods, two country case studies examine how Gulf engagement, in particular the rivalry between Qatar and the United Arab Emirates, further destabilizes an already fragile region: In Somalia, the tensions between core and periphery have been exacerbated as a result of Qatar backing the central government in Mogadishu and the UAE supporting the federal states. In Sudan, the complicated transition process is prolonged as a result of Gulf powers pursuing opposing agendas in the post-Bashir political environment.Show less
Economic diversification is understood as an important factor in stabilizing an economy based on the export of natural resources. As one of the richest countries per capita in the world, Qatar has...Show moreEconomic diversification is understood as an important factor in stabilizing an economy based on the export of natural resources. As one of the richest countries per capita in the world, Qatar has gained most of its wealth from the export of natural gas. At the same time, the reliance on this export might lead to a vulnerable flow of income, with a changing energy market and volatile prices on oil and gas. Economic diversification has therefore become an important policy tool for Qatari leaders to ensure a sustainable future for the economy. However, even though diversification has been seemingly enhanced through economic policies, this thesis argues that there are several structural problems to the diversification process. Making use of the framework from the rentier state theory to explain these underlying structures, the thesis concludes that the structura problems to diversification in Qatar is the reliance on expatriate labour (1), a dominant public sector (2), redistributive politics (3) and the established social contract between state and citizens (4).Show less
In 2022, Qatar will become the first Middle-Eastern country to ever host the Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA) World Cup. Yet, this event is politically and historically...Show moreIn 2022, Qatar will become the first Middle-Eastern country to ever host the Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA) World Cup. Yet, this event is politically and historically charged and gave rise to abounding international contestations. Previous research finds Qatar being accused of bribery to FIFA officials, mistreatment of migrant workers and the consequent lack of conformity to international labor rights. Thus, this thesis focuses on how Qatar’s soft power strategies can be beneficial in reforming the country’s legislation on the migrant labor system. This is done through the analysis of the soft empowerment-soft disempowerment nexus following Qatar obtaining the right to host the 2022 FIFA World Cup in 2010. This study concludes that there is a positive correlation between Qatar’s disempowerment and the adoption of domestic reforms on the country’s laws detrimental to the migrant labor.Show less
Since 2011, the political arena of the Middle East has transformed dramatically by the events known as the “Arab Spring. After years of deep-rooted authoritarianism and autocratic rule, citizens of...Show moreSince 2011, the political arena of the Middle East has transformed dramatically by the events known as the “Arab Spring. After years of deep-rooted authoritarianism and autocratic rule, citizens of many states in the region took to the streets in attempting to embark on a process that would democratize their nation. Scholars argue over the exact reasons for the uprisings, however, consensus exists over the fact that it stems from political, economic, and social dissatisfaction. The revolts started in Tunisia and set a chain reaction in motion, eventually reaching the shores of Gulf Cooperation Council, an economic and political union comprising of the Arabian Gulf States of Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, and the United Arab Emirates. Although the kingdoms of the Arabian Gulf are rather similar in their socio-economic and political build-up, the GCC witnessed both minor and major uprisings kind of revolt and the respective nations responded in different manners to its domestic uprisings. This BA thesis seeks to create a detailed analysis of the distinct nature of the uprisings that took place within the borders of the GCC. Most GCC members experienced some sort of public unrest one way or another with Bahrain and Oman witnessing persistent violent street protests. After doing preliminary readings, it has become clear that the GCC-states can be divided into three different groups based on the intensity of the riots as well as the governments’ responses to the demands of its citizens. The first group consists of those countries that witnessed enduring riots resulting in the deaths among its citizens, like Bahrain, Oman, and Saudi Arabia. The second group of nations consists of those which experienced minor protests that did not result in any deaths among protestors. The only country fitting into this group is Kuwait. Lastly, the governments of both Qatar and the United Arab Emirates did not have to deal with domestic uprisings, however, there was some unrest, especially through online activism. Specifically, my research will attempt to disclose the plausibilities behind the distinct levels of intensity of the civil uprisings which took place in these structurally similar kingdoms. The presence of the rentier state undoubtedly plays a crucial role in the lives of GCC citizens as well as in the preamble of the uprisings in the GCC, however, the question regarding the rationale behind citizens’ discontent as well as the intensity of governments’ counteractions remains. The research for this BA thesis aims at assessing sources through means of qualitative research by examining reports, news articles, nevertheless focussing on engaging with the academic literature on the topic. By analyzing these sources, I will be able to draw analogies and comprehend the discrepancies which took place during the Arab Spring’s civil uprisings in the GCC. Moreover, my thesis will evaluate GCC member states’ different sorts of uprisings and their dissimilar responses to the revolts within their own physical and symbolic space. Additionally, the paper discloses the GCC’s revolts and respective reactions without delving into the main causes of the Arab Spring. The paper is structured as follows. The first section will introduce the GCC’s socio-political climate, the concept of the rentier state, and its usefulness to describe the rationale behind the discrepancies between the civil uprisings in each different country. The central part of the thesis will discuss the GCC’s the dissimilarity in the civil uprisings’ intensities as well as the unalike approach governments took regarding their citizens’ demands. The final section will reveal the research’s findings and draw several conclusions. In addition to this, a prediction will be made for the future based on the reactions and concessions made by governments at the time of the uprisings and whether this will prove beneficial in the long-term.Show less
