This paper presents the findings of a qualitative content analysis of the extent to which social amplification impacted the development of counterextremism policy in The Hague, the Netherlands. The...Show moreThis paper presents the findings of a qualitative content analysis of the extent to which social amplification impacted the development of counterextremism policy in The Hague, the Netherlands. The analyzed data set included thirty-two written questions and policy documents from the The Hague Municipal Council and Municipality from the 2012 – 2017 period. Kasperson et al., 1998’s Social Amplification of Risk Framework was used as the theoretical lens for the analysis. The analysis found that amplification channels existed between the municipality, the council and community stakeholders. Furthermore, it was found that the municipality actively pursued strategies to open up new amplification channels and used community actors as amplification stations. The analysis moreover found that stigmatization of communities targeted by the counterextremism policy appears to have increased during time period, pointing to societal effects of social amplification. This paper provides insight into the strategies used by the municipality and how social amplification was actively enabled with the use of community actors.Show less
While a link has been established between economic inequality and an increase in support for the far-left or the far-right, both through separate mechanisms, no link has been established between...Show moreWhile a link has been established between economic inequality and an increase in support for the far-left or the far-right, both through separate mechanisms, no link has been established between the speed at which wage stagnation is occurring, and an increase in support for extremist parties. This paper seeks to establish this link, through the effect of wage stagnation on economic inequality, and the effect of economic inequality on either support for the far-left or the far-right.Show less
This research explores the development of alt-right microcelebrities within the digital mainstream to highlight the emerging new repertoire of far-right radicalization in a fast-evolving digital...Show moreThis research explores the development of alt-right microcelebrities within the digital mainstream to highlight the emerging new repertoire of far-right radicalization in a fast-evolving digital ecosystem. This paper takes an ethnographic approach to analyzing a single established alt-right microcelebrity, Tim Gionet, known by his internet handle @BakedAlaska. This paper utilizes Senft’s theory of microcelebrity to explore 'How has Tim Gionet, a far-right personality established himself in the digital mainstream through the cultivation of a microcelebrity persona?'. Gionet cultivates unique identity markers to attract a broad audience, through methods of self-branding and marketing strategies. Furthermore, Gionet uses trolling, a digital, performative mocking technique, in his streams to attract attention from his audience, which is maintained through mechanisms of strategic intimacy. Therefore, Gionet is able to develop a para-social relationship with his audience using mechanisms of microcelebrity to establish himself as an influencer within the mainstream community of the Alt-Right.Show less
This research aims to identify potential differences and commonalities in the role of social identity across different radicalisation contexts. It conducts a thematic analysis on four (auto...Show moreThis research aims to identify potential differences and commonalities in the role of social identity across different radicalisation contexts. It conducts a thematic analysis on four (auto)biographic accounts to analyse the main themes of the selected Cases radicalisation in relation to their social identity. From this analysis, three themes are defined. The first theme being the development of a social identity during (early) childhood. The second theme is the continuation of the development of the social identity and radicalisation based on negative childhood experiences as evidenced in the Neo-Nazi Cases. The third theme is the development of the social identity and radicalisation based on positive childhood experiences as evidenced in the cult-member Cases. This paper then identifies the role of charismatic leaders in the exploitation and radicalisation of individual social identity Identities. Finally, this research makes a concluding remark on its limitations and potential future research.Show less
Contradictory to the widespread belief that after the Cold War a wave of democratisation would engulf the world, many post-Soviet states descended into authoritarianism. In tradition of their...Show moreContradictory to the widespread belief that after the Cold War a wave of democratisation would engulf the world, many post-Soviet states descended into authoritarianism. In tradition of their Soviet history, the Central Asian regimes declared themselves strictly secular. However, these countries, too, are affected by increasing Islamic radicalism. This thesis therefore researches the link between regime consolidation in Central Asia and a (perceived) Islamic threat. It tries to answer the question whether and how the Central Asian states are instrumentalising a fear of Islamic radicalism to increase their hold on power. I have included five case studies to assess the research question, which are Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. As it turns out, Central Asian governments use a (perceived) Islamic threat in order to eliminate opposition and control their population. Increased security mainly served as a justification for increased surveillance and persecution.Show less
Recent insights have revealed that engagement with civil society can reinforce the effectiveness of counter-terrorism efforts. This study investigated when and to what extend the Dutch security and...Show moreRecent insights have revealed that engagement with civil society can reinforce the effectiveness of counter-terrorism efforts. This study investigated when and to what extend the Dutch security and intelligence services (Algemene Inlichtingen- en Veiligheidsdienst (AIVD)) started to recognise the importance of civil society based on their annual reports since the attacks of 9/11 (2001-2017). A documentary analysis of sixteen annual reports and additional documents, was used to measure the development in the extent to which civil society has played a role in countering radicalisation and terrorism in the Netherlands. Based on the reports published online by the Dutch secret and intelligence services since 9/11, this thesis found that there is surprisingly limited attention and interest for civil society. This study contributes to the existing discourse on engagement of civil society and counter-terrorism efforts, by performing an empirical study of annual reports published by the Internal Security and Intelligence Services in the case of the Netherlands. In addition, the issue investigated in this study provides insight into a real potential for improving our understanding of democratic counter-terrorism.Show less
Da'esh (also known as the Islamic State in Syria and/or Levant) rose after the Western intervention in Iraq. The group is quite unique in that it uses social media to gain supporters and lure...Show moreDa'esh (also known as the Islamic State in Syria and/or Levant) rose after the Western intervention in Iraq. The group is quite unique in that it uses social media to gain supporters and lure Muslims worldwide to join their so- called jihad. The figures of foreign fighters from Europe is unknown, yet the director of Europol, Rob Wainwright, estimated the number at 3,000 to 5,000 as of January 2015, from this number approximately 250 come from the Netherlands. The National Coordinator for Security and Counterterrorism in the Netherlands states that terrorism is “preceded by the process of radicalisation”, but this thesis will argue that there is a more diverse range of factors that push Dutch Muslim youth to join Da’esh, namely the process of radicalisation, the isolation effect, political discrimination, the rise of Islamophobia and propaganda by Da’eshShow less
The phrase "War on Terror" has become one of the most used by politicians in the last two decades and international terrorism nowadays classifies as one of the top security priorities in the...Show moreThe phrase "War on Terror" has become one of the most used by politicians in the last two decades and international terrorism nowadays classifies as one of the top security priorities in the political agendas. With the growth of the phenomenon of the “home-grown” terrorists, the pressure is on the rise for countries worldwide to find and adopt measures suitable for preventing rather than mitigating and treating post-terrorist attacks' conditions and situations. Next to repression early prevention could prove to be an extremely valuable tool maybe not for the immediate future but for the generations to come to live terror-free. For this reason, violent extremism and violent extreme radicalization need to be approached and tackled at their roots before reaching the point of searching for potential homegrown terrorists or even later post-attack attempting to find the culprits and their groups or networks or even later trying through programmes to de-radicalize and reinstate them in the society. According to many scientists and academics, education plays a key role in the shaping of young minds and this is a preventive sector that the EU should be investing in even more. It could be argued that legal constrictions to the matter are applicable, which has been a significant impediment. However, the Member States should be discussing for education reforms to be applied as such, since this not anymore purely a matter of education and of national interest of each Member State, but relates directly to EU-wide security situations. The EU until very recently has not had specific steps or points within its policies at union level as far as education is concerned to prevent violent extremist radicalisation of young individuals. The situation has changed in the last 5 years, but measures still lack specificity, guidance and instruction in application. Member states themselves have adopted different approaches - related to counterterrorism and not necessarily focusing on education since such EU reforms were non-binding - either pre or post-incidents of terrorism depending on the degree to which each has suffered from cases and attacks of violent radicalisation. Many discussions and decisions have been made to adopt a common EU level approach on education against terrorism, or at least to follow the same direction and to move towards a common goal. However, all of these until now - other more and other less - have been non-specific and/or non-binding, meaning they also have not been implemented evenly around the EU or - if not at all. This dissertation is an effort to more specific and targeted steps in education in an effort to prevent violent radicalisation and the creation of more homegrown terrorists.Show less
