This thesis examinates the role of PMCs in international intervention and in what ways this can explain the differences in reconciliation efforts in instances of misconduct by PMCs and regular...Show moreThis thesis examinates the role of PMCs in international intervention and in what ways this can explain the differences in reconciliation efforts in instances of misconduct by PMCs and regular troops. In order to do this, this paper's analysis is focused on the reconciliation efforts made by the U.S. government in cases of misconduct that took place during the Iraq War between 2003-2011.Show less
In the second half of the 20th century, the world witnessed the emergence of new states. With the emergence of new states in newly established borders, new issues arose. One of these issues is the...Show moreIn the second half of the 20th century, the world witnessed the emergence of new states. With the emergence of new states in newly established borders, new issues arose. One of these issues is the emerging disputes between different ethnopolitical groups within these new states. In many of the examples, especially in Eurasia, it can be observed that these disputes turned into frozen conflicts, and these frozen conflicts led to the establishment of de facto states. With the deep historic roots of these conflicts and ties of ethnic groups to other states, international intervention has been an important element of frozen conflicts. Recognizing the transformation from war to peace to be a two-step process where peace can be present either in the form of negative or positive peace, reconciliation is identified to be the way positive peace is achieved from negative peace. Using a qualitative case study approach, the thesis looks into how the Reconciliation Pyramid of Auerbach would be applied to the case of Cyprus to determine the role international intervention plays in the reconciliation process and further reflect on the failure of international intervention so far. It is found that international interventions negatively impact reconciliation processes during frozen conflicts due to their deeply rooted historical involvement in the emergence of issues that generated the conflict as well as their remaining individual incentives.Show less
This thesis identifies the political possibilities to establish a war crimes court in contemporary Liberian society and the role of civil society in this process.
This thesis explores the ongoing international dispute between Japan and South Korea concerning the issue of WWII sex-slaves known as ‘comfort women’. The main focus lies on the question how...Show moreThis thesis explores the ongoing international dispute between Japan and South Korea concerning the issue of WWII sex-slaves known as ‘comfort women’. The main focus lies on the question how Japanese official apologies for this issue contribute to the successful reconciliation between South Korea and Japan. By using soft power theory to look at the transmission, context and reception of three major Japanese apologies from the 1990s until today, this thesis finds that, Japanese national apologies do not contribute to successful postwar reconciliation. Due to a mismatch between Japanese presentation, compensation and South Korean expectation, the apologies do not lead towards soft power. Domestic political context only further amplifies the gap between transmission and reception, while international pressure does not manage to bridge the gap either. Therefore, this thesis argues that current Japanese apologies for the issue known as the ‘comfort women issue’ do not positively contribute towards successful reconciliation. The potential that future apologies can contribute however, cannot be ruled out.Show less
Considering the global boom in Transitional Justice (TJ) and its bureaucratization since the 1980s, critical multi-disciplinary scholars realised that ‘transitional’ discourses and practices were...Show moreConsidering the global boom in Transitional Justice (TJ) and its bureaucratization since the 1980s, critical multi-disciplinary scholars realised that ‘transitional’ discourses and practices were depoliticizing alternative political perspectives. But although they refer to interrelated phenomena, their language and chief academic objectives diverge, making depoliticization incoherent and under-conceptualized. This paper unifies prior efforts by asking what depoliticization is and tracing its consequences. We present six tentative definitions of depoliticization, categorise them into three types, and incorporate our preferred definition into our methodology. In a case study of TJ and post-transitional activism in Argentina during 1983-1996, we map its occurrence beginning with a depoliticizing move in 1983 by the Alfonsín administration that facilitated the production of Nunca Mas in 1984 and examine its relationship to the marginalization of the Madres de Plaza de Mayo, a civil society organisation that emerged in response to mass disappearances under the former military junta. We conclude that depoliticization occurred and contributed to marginalization of the Madres de Plaza de Mayo, having produced a clear conceptual framework for further applications of depoliticization in contexts of TJ.Show less
During the 20th Century, both Germany and Spain had atrocities committed against specific groups of people at home under fascist leaderships. Both countries democratised with the death of their...Show moreDuring the 20th Century, both Germany and Spain had atrocities committed against specific groups of people at home under fascist leaderships. Both countries democratised with the death of their leader, leaving members from the previous regime in power. However, two very different approaches to reconciliation were taken. Germany prosecuted the leaders of the old regime, implemented collective guilt across the population, and either destroyed fascist memorials and insignias or actively challenged them with counter-memorials. As opposed to following the German path to reconciliation, the fruits of which could be seen during the democratisation of Spain, the new democracy decided to implement the 1975 Pact of Forgetting, an unwritten agreement to not bring up the atrocities committed under Franco for fear of retribution. In order to understand the events that led to two very different outcomes through the use of interviews, analysis of the Suárez’s cabinet, and analysis of the use of memorials in both cases, this paper will ask why did Spain choose to avoid a similar reconciliation process to the one taken by West Germany thirty years prior despite being in a similar state and what role did public history play?Show less
This thesis examines the focal concepts and approaches in the field of transitional justice and argues for its positive contribution in the field of International Relations. It asks the question to...Show moreThis thesis examines the focal concepts and approaches in the field of transitional justice and argues for its positive contribution in the field of International Relations. It asks the question to what extent the method of truth-seeking is engaged in the implementation of measures of transitional justice and thereby fostering the reconciliation side of the spectrum or the opposite of dissension. The analysis suggests that reconciliation is part of the larger peace process and dissension is related to the process of othering. Reconciliation is further understood as being a reciprocal process with the creation of a shared historical narrative. In creating a truth-seeking framework and applying its indicators on the cases of South-Africa and Rwanda, an insight is created on the contribution of truth-seeking methods in transitional justices. Furthermore, this research argues that establishing a thick form of reconciliation is the aim of truth-seeking and the indicators of the created framework are designed to consider to what extent the disrupted narrative, which constitutes the underlying problem, is resolved through the means of dialogue and sympathising.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
The concept of reconciliation has been researched often by scholars. Reconciliation is part of the post-conflict reconstruction strategy and the process is mostly seen by scholars as a relevant and...Show moreThe concept of reconciliation has been researched often by scholars. Reconciliation is part of the post-conflict reconstruction strategy and the process is mostly seen by scholars as a relevant and wanted process. However, is that the case in reality? The question researched here is: why do governments engage in national post-conflict reconciliation strategies? This study reviews two post-conflict situations where a reconciliation process was initiated; Rwanda and Sierra Leone. We aim to determine on what factors governments base their choices regarding reconciliation. The cases are examined from a legalist and pragmatist approach. Legalists argue that states choose reconciliation and justice because they believe in the international norms it represents, because they believe in the preventive and deterrent effect of justice and the educational example it can be. Pragmatists however, argue that states choose reconciliation on the basis of self-interest and the distribution of political power. They also argue that states not always believe in the necessity of reconciliation and acknowledge the usefulness of amnesties. The cases of Rwanda and Sierra Leone demonstrate that the choice for reconciliation cannot be fully explained from the legalist approach but are better understood from the pragmatist point of view. Both situations show that the choice of a state for reconciliation is based on different factors that can be summarized as the concept ´the politics of reconciliation´. The government of Rwanda uses the fear of the population for a future genocide in order to keep tight control over the country. The reconciliation initiatives are used to keep track of anything that is going on in society that could be a potential threat and to teach the RPF ideology in order to keep a firm grip on political power. Sierra Leone is influenced by the international community that demands post-conflict reconciliation. It has been argued that one of the origins of the Sierra Leone conflict was poverty and the country has the desire to reconstruct its economy for which a high amount of external investment is needed. These reasons fit within the idea of pragmatists, that actors base their choices upon self-interests, in these cases ensuring political power and attracting external investment.Show less
